tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-56375844429218798002024-03-14T07:02:57.211-07:00Recto | VersoA Blog by Pacifica InstituteUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger151125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-2278728627130372502015-07-11T14:43:00.002-07:002015-07-11T14:43:29.617-07:00Education remains an alarming concern for scores of Syrian refugees<h3 class="post-title entry-title" style="background: url(http://www2.blogblog.com/rounders2/icon_arrow.gif) 10px 0.5em no-repeat rgb(255, 255, 255); border-color: rgb(153, 153, 153); border-style: dotted; border-width: 0px 1px 1px; color: #333333; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 17.0235004425049px; font-stretch: normal; margin: 0px; padding: 2px 14px 2px 29px;">
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With only 10 percent of the 2 million Syrian refugees in Turkey having been placed in refugee camps, problems involving finding food and shelter persists, but none more alarming than the education of children.<br /><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="more"></a><br />The topic of providing education to the Syrian refugee children was recently addressed by a meeting hosted by Kimse Yok Mu, the Journalist and Writers Foundation and the Peace Islands Institute (PII) in a panel held at the United Nations in New York.<br /><br />Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2012, close to 3 million refugees have fled to neighboring countries; 2 million alone to Turkey.<br /><br />The problem of education is prevalent in all countries hosting large numbers of Syrian refugees - including Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq as well as Turkey - underlines Washington-based think tank RAND Corporation representative Shelly Culbertson.<br /><br />She adds that finding school buildings and supplies remains a key concern but, even more alarming, children are being left in a situation that they have to help their parents instead of studying.<br /><br />International Strategic Research Foundation (USAK) researcher Fatma Yılmaz Elmas warns that a whole generation of Syrian refugees are being raised on the streets. “Drug rings, arms dealers, terror groups are all in an effort to confiscate the children and it will not be surprising when a child who is living on the street, hungry and discarded by society will enter a world of crime.”<br /><br />Secretary General of the Kimse Yok Mu non-profit Savaş Metin highlights that his organization has opened two schools, providing education to some 120 thousand students in Turkey. Kimse Yok Mu is also engaged in healthcare, food, rent and clothing drives, working together on 140 separate projects. In Turkey’s southeastern province of Kilis alone the non-profit grants food to 4,000 Syrian refugees on a daily basis.<br /><br />Published on <a href="http://national.bgnnews.com/education-remains-an-alarming-concern-for-scores-of-syrian-refugees-haberi/7213" rel="nofollow" style="color: black;" target="_blank">BGNNews</a>, 28 June 2015, Sunday</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-33010857170782694202015-07-11T14:41:00.003-07:002015-07-11T14:41:55.650-07:00Dr. Sison: Fethullah Gülen is a pioneer of peace<h3 class="post-title entry-title" style="background: url(http://www2.blogblog.com/rounders2/icon_arrow.gif) 10px 0.5em no-repeat rgb(255, 255, 255); border-color: rgb(153, 153, 153); border-style: dotted; border-width: 0px 1px 1px; color: #333333; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 17.0235004425049px; font-stretch: normal; margin: 0px; padding: 2px 14px 2px 29px;">
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Speaking at a conference held the Philippines' 400-year-old university, University of Santo Tomas, Dr. Lilian Sison, the Dean of International Relations Department of the University of Santo Tomas, indicated that Fethullah Gülen, a well-respected Turkish-Islamic scholar, is a pioneer of peace.<br /><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="more"></a><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<br />The introductory remarks of the conference, organized jointly by the Pacific Dialogue Foundation, the Journalists and Writers Foundation's (GYV) Intercultural Dialogue Platform (KADİP), and the Asian Conference of Religions for Peace (ACRP), were made by Dr. Lilian Sison, who, touching on the dialogue activities spearheaded by various religious and civil society leaders, asserted that they act as pioneers of world peace. "Fethullah Gülen is one of the pioneers who take such steps," she said.<br /><br />Reminding that the United Nations General Assembly has declared the first week of February as the "World Interfaith Harmony Week," Herminio V. Dagohoy, Rector Magnificus of the University of Santo Tomas, expressed his satisfaction for his university's hosting the conference "Toward Peace and Harmony in the Reality of Religious Pluralism" to coincide with this meaningful week.<br /><br />The speakers at the conference included Prof. Dr. Niyazi Öktem, a lecturer at Fatih University, and Rev. Dr. Turgay Üçal, the pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Moda, Istanbul, from Turkey, and Rabbi Reuven Firestone, the professor of Medieval Judaism and Islam, Dr. Sofia Pandya, a lecturer at California State University, Prof. Dr. Philip Clayton, a lecturer at the Claremont School of Theology, from the US, and Former Roman Catholic Church Philippines Archbishop Antonia Ledesma from the Philippines.<br /><br /><b>"Ignorance is the major obstacle to tolerance"</b><br /><br />The first paper was presented by Professor Niyazi Öktem, who touched on concepts of tolerance, holy war (jihad) in Islam, and inter-religious dialogue. Noting that practitioners of diverse religions would come to realize a number of common points if they treat each other with tolerance, Professor Öktem indicated that 'ignorance' is the biggest obstacle to inter-religious rapprochement as people who are ignorant of the values of their own religions tend to nurture hostility against each other.<br /><br />Öktem explained that holy war (jihad) is defined as a "self-defense" mechanism in the Holy Qur'an and true holy war is further depicted as the one against one carnal desires and uncontrolled ambitions.<br /><br />He also relayed his observations about dialogue activities among diverse religious communities. Pointing out that the foundation of the Journalists and Writers Foundation (GYV) under the leadership of Fethullah Gülen, a well-respected Turkish-Islamic scholar, has helped to institutionalize individualized dialogue-centric activities, Öktem stated that the GYV has taken the dialogue activities to the international scene in the next stage.<br /><br /><b>"I am the pastor of a church located in a neighborhood where hundreds of thousands of Muslims live"</b><br /><br />Then, the floor went to Dr. Turgay Üçal, who remarked that they intermingle with hundreds of thousands of Muslim neighbors in Istanbul and they keep their church's door open without any security concern.<br /><br />Üçal drew attention to the fact that Anatolia has been home to diverse religions, nations and cultures for centuries and this has made people of Anatolia open and tolerant to diversities.<br /><br />Reminding Great Sufi poet Yunus Emre's advice, "Love creatures for the sake of their Creature" and the Torah's and the Gospel's commandment "Love your God from your heart and love your neighbor as you love yourself," Üçal asserted that if this can be done, Prophet David's good tidings in the Psalms that the wolf and the lamb will live together in peace will be fulfilled.<br /><br />The next speaker was Dr. Sofia Pandya, who made a presentation about the Hizmet movement. After other speakers made their presentations, they answered the questions from the audience.<br /><br /><b>"You go if they cannot come"</b><br /><br />Cihangir Arslan, the head of the Pacific Dialogue Foundation, delivered the concluding remarks, thanking the GYV, KADİP and other partners for their contributions.<br /><br />Arslan also briefly introduced the Pacific Dialogue Foundation, established in Manila, the capital city of the Philippines, years ago to promote the ideal of peaceful coexistence. Referring to Rumi's call, "Come whoever you are as this is no door of despair," Arslan indicated that the Anatolia's openness to dialogue and tolerance had been laid down years ago.<br /><br />Arslan asserted that Gülen always holds Rumi in high esteem and he has taken Rumi's call one step further. "Gülen advices us to go and help other people if they cannot come, and we act in accordance with his advice," he said.<br /><br />The religious pluralism conference aroused heightened interest as about 300 people including politicians, academics, religious leaders, embassy staff and university students attended it.<br /><br />Published on <a href="http://www.kadip.org.tr/Haberler/Detay/3997/Dr%20Lilian%20Sison%20Fethullah%20G%C3%BClen%20is%20a%20pioneer%20of%20peace" rel="nofollow" style="color: black;" target="_blank">KADIP</a>, 26 February 2015, Thursday<div style="clear: both;">
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-57662015176026577822015-07-11T14:40:00.000-07:002015-07-11T14:40:08.781-07:00Kimse Yok Mu provides fast breaking meal to orphan students in Kenya<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 13.5pt;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: black; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 9.5pt;">International charity organization Kimse Yok Mu's Kenya
chapter (KYK) gave fast breaking meal to orphans in eastern African country of
Kenya’s capital city of Nairobi.</span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="more"></a><span style="color: black; font-family: Times; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">İftar was provided by KYK to the orphan students
and their teachers of Noor Madrasah located in Kibera, one of the second
biggest shanty neighborhoods in Nairobi. Ranging from 5 to 13 year-old a total
of 50 orphan students receives education in Madrasah. </span><br />
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">A teacher who works in the Noor Madrasah stated
that they are grateful to KYK for its iftar invitation. “We pray for them may
gates of paradise to be opened to the relief workers of KYK,” added
instructor. </span><br />
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">A relief worker, who coordinates the relief
activities in the Kenya said that they provide iftar those who in need in
different locations across Kenya. “In every each location we provide 100 and in
total we provide fast braking meal for around 1200 or 1500 people across the
country. Two of the locations where we supply iftar are orphanages. Sometimes
also we supply Sahur meal. If we get more donations it means that we can help
much more people. We would like to thank those who donated to Kenya,” noted
relief worker. </span><br />
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">Describing the fast breaking meal as a pleasant,
an orphan studying in the 5th grade, also thanked those who invite them to
iftar.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">“I hope Allah (God) will include the inviters to
paradise,” student noted.</span><br />
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<span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;">Published on </span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: Times; font-size: 13.5pt;"><a href="http://en.cihan.com.tr/en/kimse-yok-mu-provides-fast-breaking-meal-to-orphan-students-in-kenya-1816214.htm"><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: black; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 9.5pt;">Cihan</span></a></span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; color: black; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS'; font-size: 9.5pt;">, 10 July 2015, Friday</span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: Times; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-39671366364729115572014-05-13T10:14:00.002-07:002014-05-13T10:19:30.829-07:00Fethullah Gulen Statement on Nigeria Abductions<h6 class="byline" style="font-weight: normal; margin: 0px; max-width: 330px;">
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">NEW YORK, May 12, 2014 </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The senseless kidnappings of hundreds of schoolgirls in Nigeria are deplorable and heartbreaking. I condemn these actions unequivocally and call upon the perpetrators of these acts to immediately release the schoolgirls.</span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Education is a fundamental human right, which is
guaranteed for women and men by Islam. Any interpretations to the contrary are
fallacious and tend to serve either individual or political interests. In fact,
in the years during and after Prophet Mohammed's lifetime (PBUH), women played
significant roles in society, contributing as jurists, teachers, and
entrepreneurs</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">I have always believed that education, for both boys and girls,
is the most powerful tool to help them realize their potential, foster core values
such as respecting every human and the rule of law, and build characters that
are endowed with these values. Education also serves as an antidote against
ignorance, which is the source of so many social problems. The senseless
abductions in Nigeria violate the human rights of those girls and their
families, and highlight the need to promote wholesome education that fosters
respect for such rights and freedoms.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">I am praying for the families of the victims and for the people
of Nigeria.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><strong>About Fethullah Gulen</strong><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Fethullah Gulen is an Islamic scholar, preacher and social
advocate, whose decades-longcommitment to interfaith tolerance and altruism has
inspired millions in Turkey and around theworld. Recognized by TIME magazine in
2013 as one 100 most influential people in the worldfor "preaching a
message of tolerance that has won him admirers around the world," Gulen
has reinterpreted aspects of Islamic tradition to meet the needs of
contemporary Muslims. He hasdedicated his life to interfaith and intercultural
dialogue, community service and providingaccess to education.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><strong>About Alliance for Shared Values</strong><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Alliance for Shared Values is a non-profit organization that
serves as a voice for civic organizations affiliated with the Hizmet movement
in the U.S. (also known as Gulen movement). The Alliance serves as a central
source of information on Fethullah Gulen and Hizmet. For more information,
please visit<a href="http://www.afsv.org/">www.afsv.org</a>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">SOURCE Alliance for Shared Values<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">RELATED LINKS<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black;"><a href="http://prnewswire.122.2o7.net/b/ss/prnprnmobilesite,prnewswireglobal/4/REDIR/?gn=Fethullah%20Gulen%20Statement%20on%20Nigeria%20Abductions&ch=News&c6=News&c2=Fethullah%20Gulen%20Statement%20on%20Nigeria%20Abductions&c9=EN&c15=258905161&c26=05-12-2014&c36=plain+text&c46=http://www.afsv.org&c50=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.prnewswire.com%2Fnews-releases%2Ffethullah-gulen-statement-on-nigeria-abductions-258905161.html&pe=lnk_e&pev1=http%3A%2F%2Flocalhost%2Fnews-releases%2FgetNewsDetails.htm&pev2=RelatedLink&url=http://www.afsv.org"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">http://www.afsv.org</span></a><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: small;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-46621168205596052382014-05-05T09:52:00.001-07:002014-05-05T09:54:11.583-07:00Let Mr. Erdogan Fight His Own Battles<h6 class="byline" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-weight: normal; margin: 0px; max-width: 330px;">
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<span style="font-size: small;">By THE EDITORIAL BOARD</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">May 2, 2014</span></h6>
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, serif; line-height: 22.399999618530273px;">Not long ago, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey and Fethullah Gulen, a Turkish preacher in Pennsylvania, were the best of allies. Mr. Erdogan heads an Islamist government, and Mr. Gulen promotes a moderate, pro-Western brand of Sunni Islam that appeals to many well-educated and professional Turks. The two men had a common purpose in confronting and weakening the country’s once-dominant secular military and political leadership.</span></div>
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But the collaboration has since devolved into a bitter power struggle, and now Mr. Erdogan is trying to drag the United States into the argument by threatening to demand Mr. Gulen’s <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/04/30/world/middleeast/turkish-leader-seeks-extradition-of-muslim-preacher-in-us.html" style="color: #879cb4; text-decoration: none;" title="A Times article">extradition</a> to Turkey. The American government is obliged to examine the request if Mr. Erdogan follows through and formally files one. But right now the threat seems to be nothing more than a crass and cynical attempt to exploit the law, and Turkey’s alliance with the United States, for political payback.</div>
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The power struggle, which erupted last year, has been fueled by a corruption scandal that has ensnared Mr. Erdogan, many of his cronies and his son. Recordings of telephone conversations that surfaced in recent months appear to show widespread corruption in the government. Mr. Erdogan, a once-promising leader who has grown increasingly authoritarian, has charged that Mr. Gulen’s network of followers is behind the scandal.</div>
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In an interview on <a href="http://www.charlierose.com/watch/60382027" style="color: #879cb4; text-decoration: none;" title="charlie rose">Charlie Rose</a>’s PBS talk show this week, Mr. Erdogan said that the telephone wiretaps were clearly illegal and that he expected the United States to respond positively to the request. That is not a given.</div>
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Some experts say there is no legal basis for an extradition request because there are no charges or legal cases against Mr. Gulen, who has permanent-resident status and has lived in rural Pennsylvania since 1997. He left Turkey in the 1990s after being accused of urging the overthrow of the secularist government; he denied the charges, which were dropped when Mr. Erdogan came to power. Mr. Gulen has broad influence in Turkey through followers who hold jobs in the judiciary, the police and the media. But he has denied encouraging them to pursue graft investigations against Mr. Erdogan and his allies.</div>
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For the United States to approve an extradition request, the person must be accused of a crime recognized in both jurisdictions, and there must be a reasonable belief that the person committed the crime. It seems unlikely those conditions exist. Washington has not considered Mr. Gulen a threat, or he would not have been able to remain in the country.</div>
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So far, the Obama administration has declined to comment publicly on the issue, which has the potential to cause serious and unnecessary new tensions with Turkey. It would be an abuse of extradition law to use it for political reasons. Mr. Erdogan should fight his political battles on his own.</div>
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Source: New York Times</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-39341166568565821832014-03-24T18:22:00.003-07:002014-03-24T18:22:57.629-07:00What happened to the 'Turkish model'?Ramazan Kilinc<br />
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<span style="color: #434343; font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, 'Liberation Sans', FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 19.5px;">The only guarantee of a consolidated democracy in Turkey is the emergence of a new coalition to balance the increasing power of the government vis-à-vis society. </span><br />
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Turkey blocked Twitter late at night on March 20. This was a culmination of a series of authoritarian moves since last summer. In summer 2013, the government harshly responded to the popular protests that grew after a group of people organised demonstrations to prevent Istanbul city government from constructing a shopping mall in a popular city park. </div>
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In the last few months, the government has limited media freedoms, amended the law on the judicial system to increase executive control over the judiciary, closed down private tutoring centres to strengthen the state monopoly over education, passed a law to control the Internet, and blocked access to Twitter. Erdoğan also hinted that the government might ban Facebook and Youtube after local elections on March 30. </div>
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All this is surprising to many. When the Arab uprisings started in 2011, a question many asked was if Turkish democracy could be a model for the Muslim world. Under the rule of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s AKP, Turkey offered the prospect of a successful model where Islam, secularism and democracy could coexist. With its remarkable economic growth and increased profile in global politics, Turkey appealed to the Arab masses in particular and the Muslim world in general. </div>
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What happened to 'the Turkish model' and why did Turkey revert from its commitment to democratic reforms? </div>
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<strong>The Turkish model</strong></h2>
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The AKP came to power in November 2002 after an authoritarian period under the military-guided governments. The repressive environment dominated by the military left no option to Islamic actors but to devise strategies through which they could enhance political space at the expense of an authoritarian bureaucracy. </div>
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The AKP denounced Islamism, broke from the Welfare Party and pursued a reformist and democratic political strategy. In an effort to pursue democratic policies, the AKP, with the support of the liberals, minorities, and other Islamic groups such as the Gülen movement, strongly supported Turkey’s membership to the EU. It is this democratic coalition that weakened the military influence and strengthened Turkish democracy in the 2000s. </div>
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The rise of an independent bourgeoisie, emerging with economic liberalisation in the 1980s and 1990s, constituted the engine of liberal change in Turkey. The conservative businesses, marginalised by the state after the 1997 military intervention, developed a democratic and market-friendly position. The EU provided external support for this transformation. The decision of the EU to declare Turkey a candidate country gave the AKP an opportunity to introduce reforms to comply with EU conditionality. </div>
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In short, 'the Turkish model' of democratisation was based on three legs: the formation of a broad democratic coalition against state control over society; the emergence of a new bourgeoisie independent from the state; and the AKP’s instrumentalisation of external pressure from the EU for further democratisation. </div>
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<strong>The shattering of the model </strong></h2>
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After Turkey weakened the authoritarian bureaucracy, hopes for a more democratic Turkey were high. However, the reverse of the same dynamics that created 'the Turkish model' contributed to its demise. </div>
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First, the authoritarian moves of the AKP since 2012 have led to the dissolution of the democratic coalition. Instead of completing a democratic consolidation, the AKP government sought to dominate the Turkish political system. Prime minister Erdoğan pushed for changing the parliamentary system to a presidential system to secure complete control over the political domain. Many liberals withdrew their support from the party after the government harshly suppressed popular protests in the summer of 2013. </div>
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After the judiciary initiated a corruption probe against Erdoğan’s four ministers and their relatives in December 2013, the Government quickly tightened control over the judiciary through reassigning police officers, prosecutors, and judges, and enacting new laws to increase the influence of the minister of justice over the judiciary. The Gülen movement took a strong position against the Government as Erdoğan accused the movement of infiltrating the state and collaborating with external powers, such as the US and Israel, to plot against the government through the corruption probe. </div>
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Second, throughout the decade that the AKP ruled the country, a new crony capitalist class emerged. The AKP created a state-supported bourgeoisie through distributing state resources to their cronies. The recent allegations against the party include cases of clientelism and corruption in which politicians, bureaucrats and state-supported businesses have been involved. </div>
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Third, AKP enthusiasm for Turkey’s EU membership has decreased because the party no longer needs external support to survive in the Turkish political sphere. Furthermore, the recent economic crisis in Europe also shifted the EU’s attention from expansion to domestic issues. </div>
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<strong>The future</strong></h2>
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What can we say about the future of democracy in Turkey? </div>
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The only guarantee of a consolidated democracy in Turkey is the emergence of a new coalition to balance the increasing power of the government vis-à-vis society. Turkey still has a dynamic business class that is independent from the state. Political patronage and increasing state dominance over the economy can stimulate a new coalition against the government. It is difficult to have strong international pressure as Turkey had in the early 2000s but there is still a lot that the west could lose if Turkey turns to authoritarianism.</div>
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Source: Open Democracy</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-82978041966358540052014-03-14T09:25:00.000-07:002014-03-14T09:25:05.066-07:00Corruption, Islamism, and Twitter in TurkeyAhmet T. Kuru<br />
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<span style="color: #434343; font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Arial, 'Liberation Sans', FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 19.5px;">Erdoğan has consolidated the executive, legislative, and the judicial powers under his authority; yet he has been unable to control another source of power— Twitter.</span><br />
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When the Arab uprisings began, Turkey emerged as a role model in the Middle East in terms of combining Islam and democracy. The Arab uprisings have not produced the expected results, except in Tunisia. Meanwhile in Turkey, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s rule has recently leaned toward authoritarianism and Islamism; this has terminated Turkey’s claim to be a regional model.</div>
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Turkey’s political polarization and societal mistrust became visible in June 2013 with the Gezi protests where police brutality ignited nation-wide protests in which eleven people died and thousands were injured.</div>
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Erdoğan used an Islamist rhetoric to cover-up his provocations and strengthened his conservative constituency. He claimed that the Gezi protestors attacked a woman wearing a headscarf and consumed alcohol in a mosque. Although the evidence showed his claims were false, Erdoğan still continued to repeat them. He tried to take advantage of the Gezi events to solidify his base by presenting himself as the defender of conservative Muslims, assuming that this image would guarantee his victory in the August 2014 presidential election.</div>
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The corruption and bribery probe on December 17, 2013 was a major blow to Erdoğan’s plan of staying in power ten more years as a supra-powerful president. Four of his cabinet ministers had to resign due to allegations. Erdoğan defined the probe as a coup d’état staged by the “parallel state”—an alias he uses to imply the Gülen movement. He declared an “Independence War,” and has dubbed anyone who disagrees with him as “traitors” controlled by the Gülen movement. The list of “traitors” has become very long including the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), Doğan media group, Koç Holding, and Turkish Industrialists’ and Businessmen’s Association.</div>
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Similar to his reaction to Gezi events, Erdoğan has used an Islamist rhetoric to preserve his base in the face of the corruption allegations. He has called Fethullah Gülen “a false prophet” and a supporter of the headscarf ban, as well as calling the Gülen movement’s followers spies, collaborators in a US-based conspiracy, lovers of Israel, viruses, blood-seeking vampires, assassins, etc.</div>
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Erdoğan knows that he has to stall ongoing investigations of corruption. Therefore, he has reshuffled about 8,000 police officers and ordered police chiefs to disobey prosecutors and judges in new corruption cases. His new justice minister took control of the High Council of Judges and Public Prosecutors, which removed hundreds of prosecutors. The newly appointed prosecutors destroyed some wiretapped phone calls, and all arrested suspects were released. When the key suspect Reza Zerrab, who allegedly bribed three ministers and transferred billions of dollars to Iran, was released, Erdoğan said, “Justice has been served.”</div>
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Erdoğan has consolidated the executive, legislative, and the judicial powers under his authority; yet he has been unable to control another source of power— Twitter. He understood the danger during the Gezi events, calling it a “menace.” His party organized a group of “trolls” to promote Erdoğan in Twitter. Nonetheless, this could not protect him from being haunted by Twitter during the corruption scandal.</div>
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Some people, probably the policemen and prosecutors who were removed from the corruption cases, started to leak legal evidence (wiretapped phone conversations and even full indictments) to the Internet. They are now using Twitter accounts, such as @HARAMZADELER333 (children of corruption) and @BASCALAN (prime thief) to update over a quarter million followers when they upload new evidence. Since a recent law made it illegal to broadcast wiretapped conservations on TV and on web sites, and Erdoğan controls most newspapers, Twitter and YouTube remain the sole way of informing the Turkish public about corruption evidence. That is why Erdoğan has declared that he is considering banning YouTube and Facebook.</div>
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The content of leaked dialogues has shocked many in Turkey and abroad. Among various topics are Erdoğan’s villas, acquired in exchange for favours to his cronies; his way of controlling media outlets through some businessmen who were given governmental tenders; and his personal involvement in censoring the media. While these recordings were listened to hundreds of thousands times, there was only one occasion when a journalist managed to quiz Erdoğan about them. Erdoğan accused the journalist of serving the conspiracy, and was unapologetic for his phone call to a TV executive to withdraw coverage from an opposition leader during the Gezi events.</div>
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One recording had more impact than the combined effect of about two dozens previous records. This is the recording Erdoğan has defined as a “montage.” He also added that his encrypted phone was tapped, which has been interpreted as an unintentional way of accepting it. The leader of CHP, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, described the recording as, “as authentic as Mount Ararat” and has played it in his party’s group meeting in the Turkish parliament. Some experts have authenticated the recording, which includes five phone calls between Erdoğan and his son (Bilal) on the day the corruption graft began. In the recording, Erdoğan asks his son to re-locate a large sum of money kept in various family members’ houses. Toward the end of the day, Bilal called his father back to report that he had handled most of the money but still had 30 million euros to disappear. This recording has been listened to around 5 million times in five days on YouTube.</div>
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Although Erdoğan’s instrumentalization of Islam was effective against the Gezi protestors, it has not been that helpful against the Gülen movement, which has considerable credibility among Muslim conservatives. Twitter helped the Gezi protestors to organize their protests and during the corruption debates, Twitter has become much more detrimental for Erdoğan due to the regular leaking of evidence. If Erdoğan’s career ends in the March 30 municipal elections, Twitter will have played a large role in this dramatic result.</div>
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Source: Open Democracy </span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-50535316048975989302014-03-10T19:18:00.000-07:002014-03-10T19:18:49.705-07:00Turkey needs a new constitution to save its democracy<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">By Fethullah Gulen</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 21px; line-height: 27px;">A small group in the executive is holding the country to ransom, says Fethullah Gulen</span><br />
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<span class="yiv0241624267firstletter" id="yui_3_13_0_ym1_1_1394502777045_10751" style="display: block; float: left; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 46px; height: 48px; line-height: 33px; margin: 6px 4px 0px; text-transform: uppercase;"><span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">T</span></span><span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 13px;">rust and stability are fundamental to a nation’s development and to how the world perceives it. There is inherent trust in a democratic and accountable government that respects the rule of law. </span><a href="http://www.ft.com/topics/places/Turkey" rel="nofollow" shape="rect" style="color: #2e6e9e; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 13px; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank" title="Turkey news headlines - FT.com">Turkey</a><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 13px;"> painstakingly built this trust over the past decade. Until recently it was seen as an example of a country that prospered while maintaining a democratic government run by observant Muslim leaders.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 13px;">No longer. A small group within the government’s executive branch is holding to ransom the entire country’s progress. The support of a broad segment of the Turkish public is now being squandered, along with the opportunity to join the EU.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">Several recent actions of the Turkish government have drawn strong criticism from the EU and other western countries – among them, a law that gives the <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/83b3a3d2-9f05-11e3-a48e-00144feab7de.html?siteedition=uk" rel="nofollow" shape="rect" style="color: #2e6e9e; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank" title="Turkish law ‘strikes at judicial independence’ - FT.com">justice minister powers</a> to appoint and discipline judges and prosecutors; a bill to curb internet freedoms; and a draft law that would give Turkey’s intelligence agency powers akin to those claimed by dictatorial regimes.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">After decades of coups and political dysfunction, the ruling AK party’s attempt to end military interference in domestic politics was necessary. Democratic reforms towards that end were praised by the EU and supported by a majority of Turks, as evidenced in the 2010 constitutional referendum.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">But the dominance in politics that was once enjoyed by the military now appears to have been replaced by a hegemony of the executive. A dark shadow has been cast over achievements of the past decade – the result of insidious profiling of certain groups of Turkish citizens for their views, constant shuffling of civil servants for political convenience, and an unprecedented subjugation of the media, the judiciary and civil society.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">The only way for the Turkish government to restore trust at home and regain respect abroad is by renewing its commitment to universal human rights, the rule of law and accountable governance.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">This commitment must include a new, democratic constitution, drafted by civilians. Democracy does not conflict with Islamic principles of governance. Indeed, the ethical goals of Islam, such as protection of life and religious freedom, are best served in a democracy where citizens participate in government.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">We also need to embrace certain values that form the fabric of a thriving nation. One such value is respect for diversity of all kinds – religious, cultural, social and political. This does not mean compromising on our beliefs. On the contrary, accepting every person – regardless of colour or creed – as a dignified creature of God demonstrates respect for the free will God has given all human beings.</span></div>
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<q style="color: #777777; display: block; margin: 0px 0px 10px;"><span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><span class="yiv0241624267openQuote" style="background-image: url(http://im.ft-static.com/m/img/sprites/pullquote.gif); background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; display: inline-block; height: 22px; padding-left: 27px; vertical-align: bottom; white-space: nowrap;">The</span> reductionist view of seeking political power in the name of a religion contradicts the spirit of <span class="yiv0241624267closeQuote" style="background-image: url(http://im.ft-static.com/m/img/sprites/pullquote.gif); background-position: 100% -30px; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; display: inline-block; height: 22px; padding-right: 27px; vertical-align: bottom; white-space: nowrap;">Islam</span></span></q></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">Freedom of thought and expression are indispensable ingredients of democracy. Turkey’s poor showing in rankings of transparency and <a href="http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/6f70100a-fdba-11e2-a5b1-00144feabdc0.html" rel="nofollow" shape="rect" style="color: #2e6e9e; margin: 0px; outline: none; padding: 0px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank" title="David Gardner: Erdogan is eroding the freedom of the media - FT.com">media freedom</a> is disappointing. Mature people welcome criticism – which, if true, helps us improve. But we should criticise misguided ideas and actions, rather than individuals, to avoid creating unnecessary tensions.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">The reductionist view of seeking political power in the name of a religion contradicts the spirit of Islam. When religion and politics are mixed, both suffer – religion most of all. Every segment of Turkish society has a right to be represented in government. But the Turkish state has long discriminated against citizens and public servants on the basis of their views. Democratic inclusion will encourage people to disclose personal beliefs without fear of persecution.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">Since the 1970s, participants in the Hizmet movement, who come from all walks of life, have worked to provide equal opportunity for all, through educational institutions, relief organisations and other civil society projects. Their primary motivations are intrinsic, as they seek to find happiness in the happiness of others.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">Hizmet participants – and I consider myself one of them – are not political players and have no interest in the privileges of power. This is evident from their personal and financial commitment to humanitarian aid, education and dialogue, as well as their purposeful absence from political office.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">Apart from encouraging citizens to vote, I have never endorsed or opposed a political party or candidate, and will refrain from doing so in future. I trust the wisdom of Turkish people and believe they will preserve democracy and hold the interests of the nation above partisan political concerns.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">I have spent the past 15 years in spiritual retreat and, irrespective of what happens in Turkey, I intend to continue to do so. I pray that Turkey sees its current troubles as an opportunity to advance democracy, freedom and the rule of law. And I believe that by renewing our commitment to fundamental democratic principles, we can re-establish trust and stability and revive the Turkish example that had become an inspiration for the region and the world.</span></div>
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<em id="yui_3_13_0_ym1_1_1394502777045_10777" style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">The writer is a Muslim scholar and honorary chairman of the Journalists and Writers Foundation in Istanbul</em></div>
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<em><span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">Source: Financial Times </span></em></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-30020994586345704042014-03-10T10:31:00.000-07:002014-03-10T10:31:11.369-07:00The rise and fall of Turkey’s Prime Minister Erdogan in three acts By Turan Kayaoglu<br />
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">Like a figure in a </span><span class="u87nj" id="u87nj_4" style="border-left-color: transparent; border-right-color: transparent; border-style: solid; border-top-color: transparent; border-width: 1px; color: #009900; cursor: pointer; display: inline !important; float: none; font-family: Arial, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">Greek tragedy</span></span><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">, Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has fallen from a Jefferson-could-be into a Putin-wannabe, all within the swift span of a year.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><br />Read more here: http://www.thenewstribune.com/2014/03/09/3087255/the-rise-and-fall-of-turkeys-prime.html#storylink=cpy</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">History tells us that when the rule of law is weak, transparency and accountability nonexistent, electoral success feeds into a sense of invincibility and infallibility. Turkey now is a case study proving the accuracy of the cliche “power corrupts.”</span></div>
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<strong><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">ACT I</span></strong></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><strong></strong></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">Erdogan came to power after Turkey’s lost decade of the 1990s, a period during which a series of weak, dysfunctional coalition governments ruled the country. The military committed extensive abuses against the nation’s disgruntled Kurdish population, religious freedoms were suppressed, and the economy hit </span><span class="u87nj" id="u87nj_5" style="border-left-color: transparent; border-right-color: transparent; border-style: solid; border-top-color: transparent; border-width: 1px; color: #009900; cursor: pointer; display: inline !important; float: none; font-family: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">rock bottom</span></span><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">The 2002 elections gave a powerful mandate to a fresh party, the Justice and Development Party. While rooted in political Islam, the party campaigned on a platform of </span><span class="u87nj" id="u87nj_6" style="border-left-color: transparent; border-right-color: transparent; border-style: solid; border-top-color: transparent; border-width: 1px; color: #009900; cursor: pointer; display: inline !important; float: none; font-family: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">human rights</span></span><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">,</span><span class="u87nj" id="u87nj_1" style="border-left-color: transparent; border-right-color: transparent; border-style: solid; border-top-color: transparent; border-width: 1px; color: #009900; cursor: pointer; display: inline !important; float: none; font-family: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">democracy and development</span></span><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">. Erdogan led the party.</span></span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">As the new prime minister, he made a promising start: He expanded Kurdish rights, lifted the headscarf ban in universities and sent the military to the barracks for good. The economy also greatly improved. Turkish soap operas captured Arab audiences, and the “Turkish model” for political reform won adherents throughout the region.</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">In this heady air, it seemed Erdogan and his party had found the magic formula for a “Muslim democracy” destined to change the lot not just of Turks, but also of all Muslims.</span></div>
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<strong><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">ACT II</span></strong></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><strong></strong></span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">But it was not to be. After 12 years of increasing popularity and weakening opposition, Erdogan has become more authoritarian.</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">This switch toward authoritarianism was visible last summer when the government crushed the largely peaceful protestors in Istanbul’s Gezi Park. In ensuing nationwide protests, the police killed about a dozen unarmed protestors and injured scores more.</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">Erdogan not only defended the police but shamelessly used Islamic rhetoric to demonize protestors and mobilize his base. He accused protestors of sexually assaulting a pious Muslim woman and desecrating a mosque. Neither turned out to be true, but Erdogan repeated such falsehoods to present himself as the defender of Islam and Muslims to his conservative base.</span></div>
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<strong><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">ACT III</span></strong></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">For Turkish democracy, things went from bad to worse. Acting under the directives of public prosecutors, on Dec. 17 police raided several offices and homes. They arrested three government ministers’ sons and the CEO of a state-</span><span class="u87nj" id="u87nj_2" style="border-left-color: transparent; border-right-color: transparent; border-style: solid; border-top-color: transparent; border-width: 1px; color: #009900; cursor: pointer; display: inline !important; float: none; font-family: inherit; list-style: none; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; text-decoration: underline; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">owned bank</span></span><span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;"> for corruption and money laundering through a gold-for-gas scheme that allowed Iran to evade sanctions. In subsequent weeks, four government ministers resigned.</span></span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">The Erdogan government has stifled the graft investigation. The government called the investigation a coup attempt designed by a foreign cabal and implemented by sympathizers of the Glen movement—a moderate Islamic movement inspired by Fethullah Glen, a cleric who has lived in Pennsylvania for the past 15 years.</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">To choke the graft investigation, Erdogan must cripple the Turkish democracy. And he is willing to do that. Government has co-opted or coerced the media and engineered the transfer of media ownership to its allies. The government now can block access to any website without a court order. The justice minister received a controlling power over the judiciary, and the already unaccountable Turkish National Intelligence Agency is about to gain more power.</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">Meanwhile Erdogan turned his rhetorical weapon on Glen. Erdogan accused Glen-sympathizers of being a “parallel state,” akin to Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s allegations of communist infiltration. A low even for Erdogan, he called Glen a false prophet (a serious charge in Islam) and a hashishin (a 12th-century terrorist sect).</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">This witch-hunt of Glen-sympathizers removed from their posts 8,000 police and more than 400 public prosecutors, including those who started the graft investigations.</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">Twelve years ago, Erdogan embodied a Jeffersonian spirit by promising religious freedom, protection of rights and liberties, and the decentralization of power. While he started off well, today he is the threat to Turkish democracy, looking not like a historical figure but rather a power-hungry despot.</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">In a talk at Harvard in 2003, Erdogan used a Benjamin Franklin quote (he misattributed it to Thomas Jefferson): “Doubt a little of (your) own infallibility.”</span></div>
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<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">Someone needs to remind him of that before it is too late.</span></div>
<span class="remarkable-pre-marked" style="background-color: #f3f3f3; border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: Arial, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px; margin: 0px; max-width: 620px !important; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative; vertical-align: baseline;">Turan Kayaoglu is an associate professor of international relations at University of Washington Tacoma.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><br />Read more here: http://www.thenewstribune.com/2014/03/09/3087255/the-rise-and-fall-of-turkeys-prime.html#storylink=cpy</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Source: The News Tribune</span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-74185700236333445972014-02-20T15:16:00.000-08:002014-02-20T15:23:14.979-08:00The Muslim Martin Luther?<br />
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Fethullah Gulen Attempts an Islamic Reformation </div>
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By <a href="http://www.foreignaffairs.com/author/victor-gaetan">Victor Gaetan</a> </div>
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In a video posted on his Web site last December, the Turkish Islamic
scholar Fethullah Gulen called on God to curse Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Gulen, who has lived in exile in the United States
since 1999, declared in a sermon broadcast on Turkish television,
“Those who don’t see the thief but go after those trying to catch the
thief: may God bring fire to their houses, ruin their homes, break their
unities.” This went far beyond the normally secular bounds of political
debate in Turkey. <br />
<a name='more'></a><div>
<br />
But to fixate on Gulen's lack of political polish is to miss the
point. Gulen and Erdogan have been described in the West as political
rivals, but there has always been more at stake in their clash than
earthly affairs. Whereas Erdogan may frequently indulge in Islamist
political rhetoric, it is Gulen that has tried to make actual
contributions as an Islamic intellectual and develop a genuinely modern
school of Islam that reconciles the religion with liberal democracy,
scientific rationalism, ecumenism, and free enterprise. Regardless of
who wins the battle for Turkey's political future, it is vital that
Gulen's religious legacy be preserved.<br />
<br />
EGALITARIAN ENLIGHTENMENT<br />
<br />
Erdogan has repeatedly portrayed Gulen, and his religious movement,
known as Hizmet (which translates to Service), as part of a political
conspiracy, calling it a “parallel state” responsible for initiating a
series of corruption investigations against his administration. These
accusations are impossible to substantiate. Hizmet has no formal
membership, no headquarters, and no hierarchy, which makes it impossible
to know whether Gulenists are overrepresented in law enforcement and
the judiciary, let alone orchestrating a putsch. There are many civic
organizations in Turkey that are explicitly linked to Gulen, but, in
keeping with Gulen’s teachings, they neither endorse nor reject any
political party.<br />
<blockquote>
Gulen's theology went hand-in-hand with Turkey's capitalist revolution.
The country's new entrepreneurs were pious Muslims who drew on Gulen's
teaching to justify their embrace of free enterprise, strong democratic
institutions, and dialogue and commerce with other faiths.
</blockquote>
Although Gulen has always assumed that pious Muslims would be drawn
to politics, he has long warned against allowing religion to be used as a
tool to pursue political power. In this sense, Gulen has followed in
the footsteps of Said Nursi, a great Turkish scholar of Sufism, who
inspired an Islamic revival in the late Ottoman period and under
Ataturk’s republic. Nursi's 6,000-page commentary on the Koran, <i>Risale-i Nur</i> (Epistles of Light)<i>, </i>argued
that true spiritual knowledge was accessible to all Muslims without the
guidance of a “master.” Nursi considered materialism an enemy of Islam,
but he also advocated modern science instruction in Muslim schools.
<br />
<br />
Gulen has endorsed this same basic approach. Born in eastern
Turkey in 1941, he grew up studying the Koran. He began to manage a
mosque as well as a study center in the city of Izmir in the 1960s.
Pushing beyond Nursi's concept of strengthening religious conscience, or
inner discipline, Gulen emphasized the importance of public service as a
way for believers to glorify God while repressing selfish impulses.<br />
These teachings were in sharp contrast to the political
pronouncements of Islamist groups, like the Muslim Brotherhood, that
gained ground in the Middle East in the mid-twentieth century. Where the
Brotherhood considered it a religious obligation to control the state
and to make Islamic law the basis of jurisprudence, Gulen argued that
religion suffered from politicization. Where the Brotherhood implies
that jihad is necessarily an armed struggle, Gulen emphasized that jihad
is a moral and spiritual struggle.<br />
<br />
In 1970, Gulen was arrested by a newly installed military government,
and his license to preach was revoked. But his private talks to small
groups -- in mosques, theatres, coffee shops, and schools -- were taped
and distributed. Gulen leveraged his growing fame to establish a series
of student hostels, or “lighthouses,” that offered private prep courses
for university entrance exams. In 1979, personal friends of Gulen set up
a publishing business so that he could provide his growing number of
students with study materials. Yamanlar College in Izmir, the first
Gulen-inspired private high school, followed in 1982. By 1983, he had a
wide national following.<br />
<br />
Today, Gulen sympathizers run more than 1,500 schools and
universities in 120 countries, including Afghanistan, Austria, Bosnia,
Indonesia, Japan, Mexico, Sudan, and the United States. (In Texas alone,
Gulen affiliates manage 26 public charter schools.) The Gulen movement
provides countless scholarships for the poor to attend their schools,
which mostly emphasize science and math. By contributing as volunteers,
or financiers, to the movement's education network, supporters also
engage in a form of sanctified charity.<br />
His commitment to education as the main solution to problems plaguing
most Muslim societies is the most concrete expression of Gulen's
religious teachings. Drawing on Islam's sacred texts -- the Koran,
hadith (words of the Prophet), and Sira (biography of the Prophet) -- as
well as Turkish and Ottoman cultural tradition, Gulen has developed a
distinct form of Islamic theology that puts social engagement, not
political engagement, at its center.<br />
<br />
The Utah-based political scientist Hakan Yavuz, author of<i> Toward an Islamic Enlightenment: The Gulen Movement</i>,
sees four defining characteristics in Gulen’s project. First, Gulen
emphasizes that a believer's piety can be measured by his practical
actions, specifically, the degree to which the person improves the human
condition. Second, Gulen argues that Islam must be an ecumenical
religion. Muslims, he believes, are obliged to seek consensus in their
communities and should value social participation and dialogue with
other groups. (Gulen's movement has placed a particular emphasis on
interfaith dialogue, especially with Christians and Jews.)<br />
<br />
Third, Gulen teaches the inviolability of individual rights.
Religious engagement, he maintains, must be voluntary, which is one
reason that Gulen's followers are usually referred to as “volunteers”
and their total numbers are never officially counted. Finally, the Gulen
movement endorses critical thinking as a foundation for knowledge that
glorifies God, rather than as something that contradicts revelation.
Science, Gulen teaches, is a vehicle for Muslims to honor their
religious duty to improve the economic condition of their societies.<br />
<br />
To the extent that Gulen has had anything to say about politics, it
has almost always been in the service of promoting democracy and
cultural tolerance. Asked by <i>The</i> <i>New York Times</i> about his attitude toward the Turkish government, Gulen <a href="http://rumiforum.blogspot.com/2011/02/new-york-times-full-interview-with.html#ixzz2tnKpUi00%20Link%20with%20full%20transcript%20but%20article%20ran%20in%202010">responded</a>,
“I always believe in being on the side of the rule of law, and I also
believe in the importance of sharing good ideas with the officials of
the state that are going to promise a future for the country.
Accordingly, irrespective of whoever is in charge, I try to be
respectful of those state officials, keep a reasonable level of
closeness and keep a positive attitude toward them.” He has also
emphasized the importance of maintaining a healthy civil society outside
the control of the state. Private schools, private enterprise,
volunteerism -- these were the institutions that Turkey required if it
hoped to maintain its traditionally inclusive culture.<br />
<br />
Gulen's theology went hand-in-hand with Turkey's capitalist
revolution, which was sparked by economic deregulation in the 1980s. The
country's new entrepreneurs were pious Muslims who drew on Gulen's
teaching to justify their embrace of free enterprise, strong democratic
institutions, and dialogue and commerce with other faiths and ethnic
groups. Gulen, in turn, urged this new capitalist class to work hard and
succeed -- not for personal gain but to enhance the spiritual
well-being of society. The prophet Muhammad was also a merchant, he
reminded them.<br />
<blockquote>
Gulen has shown that he will refuse to be intimidated, but it is still
an open question whether his movement can withstand the AKP’s relentless
campaign against it.
</blockquote>
MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE <br />
<br />
It should come as no surprise that the Gulen movement saw a
potential ally in Erdogan's AKP party. In 2002, under the AKP flag,
Erdogan spoke out in favor of greater religious and economic freedoms.
Like the AKP, the Gulenist movement had identified the military and the
old secular economic elite as impediments to those freedoms. Although
the Gulenists never offered an explicit endorsement, it seemed keen to
work with the AKP. After Erdogan won, the AKP (as well as Justice
Department officials said to be affiliated with the Gulenists) supported
a series of court cases that landed hundreds of military officers and
businessmen in jail. (Although there were many flaws in the trials’
methods, blame falls mainly on the shoulders of the AKP, which had sole
authority to direct the proceedings.)<br />
<br />
But the alliance did not last. The AKP and the Gulenists have
fundamentally different understandings of Turkish identity and how it
relates to Islam. The AKP has its roots in Turkey's National View
ideology, which was originally advanced by former Turkish Prime Minister
Necmettin Erbakan in his manifesto <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mill%C3%AE_G%C3%B6r%C3%BC%C5%9F"><i>Millî Görüş</i></a><i> </i>(National
View), published in 1969. Erbakan argued that Turkey should turn away
from the West and forge a political, economic, and military union with
Muslim countries. According to this view, national strength, especially
as expressed in conflict with the West, is a bigger priority than
healthy democratic institutions. Erbakan is still a clear source of
inspiration for the AKP in general, and for Erdogan in particular. When
Erbakan died, in 2011, Erdogan cut short a trip to Europe in order to
rush back for his <a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1361860/Necmettin-Erbakan-funeral-The-man-inspired-modern-Turkey.html">funeral</a>, attended by hundreds of thousands in Istanbul. Germany’s most influential Turkish Islamist organization is a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mill%C3%AE_G%C3%B6r%C3%BC%C5%9F"><i>Millî Görüş</i></a><i> </i>community that Erdogan has encouraged to resist Western assimilation, in accordance with Erbakan’s teachings.<br />
<br />
Predictably, Hizmet and the AKP have clashed over Erdogan's bellicose
foreign policy and undemocratic domestic maneuvers. When a Turkish NGO
attempted to break Israel's blockade of Gaza and was confronted by the
Israeli navy (resulting in nine deaths), Erdogan responded by accusing
Israel of terrorism and genocide. Gulen responded to Erdogan's
belligerence, by calling it not “fruitful,” and adding that he sought
Israeli permission anytime his charities wanted to help the people of
Gaza.<br />
<br />
Another point of contention has been Turkey's relationship with the
European Union. As a strong proponent of closer ties with Europe, the
Gulenist movement has been frustrated by Erdogan's refusal to pursue
more serious accession talks with the EU. Occasionally, Erdogan has
pursued policies -- such as legislation restricting Internet access and
reducing the independence of prosecutors -- that seem designed to
antagonize EU officials. Gulenists have also been concerned by Erdogan's
support for Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood.<br />
Free speech has always been a critical issue for the Gulenist
movement, so it has also spoken out against Erdogan's persecution of
journalists and his broader disdain for democratic dialogue. According
to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Turkey has incarcerated more
journalists over the past two years than any other country in the world.
(Close on Turkey's heels: Iran and China.) Gulen sympathizer Alp
Aslandogan, president of the New York–based Alliance for Shared Values, a
nonprofit umbrella group for Hizmet-affiliated groups, recounted the
“intimidation, inspections, and fines” that now confront publishers.
“Media group owners face threats to their businesses. Never in Turkish
history has a single person or party achieved this level of media
subservience.”<br />
<br />
Erdogan's response to last summer's Gezi Park protests must have been
particularly troubing for the Gulenists. In some sense, the diverse
group of protesters, who originally gathered to demonstrate against the
demolition of an Istanbul park, were the model of the sort of engaged
pluralistic civil society that the Gulenists champion. Erdogan decided
to order police to disperse the protests with force, which resulted in
days of violent confrontation. Gulen placed the blame on Erdogan for not
listening to the protesters' demands in the first place. That seems to
have convinced Erdogan to declare war directly on the Gulenist movement.
In September, Erdogan announced that the government planned to close
all private schools helping students to prepare for university exams:
the Gulenist movement runs about 20 percent of such schools in Turkey
and they represent a vital source of income, as well as one of the main
ways in which Gulen's ideas are introduced to the public.<br />
<br />
Erdogan and the AKP have taken to describing Gulen’s movement as a
power-hungry conspiracy. But there is little evidence of a concerted
Gulenist push for power. The movement has stayed true to its teachings
by devoting massive resources and attention to running schools, charity
organizations, and media entities, in Turkey and abroad. Gulenists have
not made a concerted push to infiltrate the AKP, or to seat their own
members in parliament. Gulenists have regularly denounced the AKP’s
corruption as a violation of Islamic ethics and Hizmet principles. There
is no reason not to take those criticisms at face value.<br />
Gulen has shown that he will refuse to be intimidated, but it is
still an open question whether his movement can withstand the AKP’s
relentless campaign against it. Erdogan is clearly intent on
marginalizing the Gulenist movement, even at the expense of the rule of
law in Turkey. This week, President Abdullah Gul signed a law allowing
government agencies, without a court order, to block access to any Web
site. Last week, parliament passed a bill giving the executive branch
complete control over the judiciary, allowing the government to nominate
and fire prosecutors at will.<br />
<br />
Turkey would clearly be harmed if Gulenist teachings on tolerance and
individual rights were successfully quieted. But the loss for Islamic
culture would be an even greater tragedy.<br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Source: Foreign Affairs</span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-77873313568995436922014-02-20T09:24:00.001-08:002014-02-20T09:24:44.700-08:00World Day of Social Justice - 20 February<div style="text-align: justify;">
<blockquote>
<div>
"The gap between the poorest and the wealthiest around the
world is wide and growing. ... We must do more to empower individuals
through decent work, support people through social protection, and
ensure the voices of the poor and marginalized are heard."
</div>
<div class="credit">
</div>
</blockquote>
</div>
<div class="credit" style="text-align: justify;">
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon<br />
<a href="http://www.un.org/en/events/socialjusticeday/2014/sgmessage.shtml">Message</a> for the 2014 World Day of Social Justice</div>
<blockquote>
</blockquote>
<a name='more'></a><div>
<br />
Social justice is an underlying principle for peaceful and prosperous
coexistence within and among nations. We uphold the principles of
social justice when we promote gender equality or the rights of
indigenous peoples and migrants. We advance social justice when we
remove barriers that people face because of gender, age, race,
ethnicity, religion, culture or disability.<br />
<br />
For the United Nations, the pursuit of social justice for all is
at the core of our global mission to promote development and human
dignity. The adoption by the <a href="http://www.ilo.org/">International Labour Organization</a> of the <a href="http://www.ilo.org/global/meetings-and-events/campaigns/voices-on-social-justice/WCMS_099766/lang--en/index.htm">Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization</a>
is just one recent example of the UN system’s commitment to social
justice. The Declaration focuses on guaranteeing fair outcomes for all
through employment, social protection, social dialogue, and
fundamental principles and rights at work.<br />
<br />
The General Assembly <a href="http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/62/10">proclaimed 20 February as World Day of Social Justice</a>
in 2007, inviting Member States to devote the day to promoting national
activities in accordance with the objectives and goals of the <a href="http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/wssd/text-version/index.html">World Summit for Social Development</a>
and the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Observance of
World Day of Social Justice should support efforts of the international
community in poverty eradication, the promotion of full employment and
decent work, gender equity and access to social well-being and
justice for all. <br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Source: United Nations</span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-79790997208741047012014-02-16T07:48:00.000-08:002014-02-16T07:48:14.789-08:00What happened to the Turkish model of passive secularism? <div style="text-align: justify;">
<div class="byline">
<span itemprop="creator" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Person"><span itemprop="name">Ahmet Kuru</span></span><span itemprop="sourceOrganization" itemscope="" itemtype="http://schema.org/Organization"><span itemprop="name"> </span></span></div>
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="detail-spot"><strong>In 2006 I wrote an essay to refute the
depiction of the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) as
anti-secular. The argument was based on the two types of secularism.</strong></span></div>
<a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span class="detail-text">Passive secularism means state neutrality
toward religions in the public sphere; it is dominant in such countries
as the United States, the Netherlands and India. The opposite is
assertive secularism, which requires the state to play an assertive role
to exclude religions from the public sphere. It is dominant in France,
Mexico and until recently, Tunisia, among some other cases. I argued
that the AK Party defended passive secularism and that was why the
assertive secularist judiciary in Turkey defined it as “anti-secular.”
Several colleagues criticized me for missing the AK Party's hidden
Islamic agenda and giving too much credit to it. Nevertheless, I kept
defining the AK Party as passive secularist in my book <a href="http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/sociology/sociology-religion/secularism-and-state-policies-toward-religion-united-states-france-and-turkey">"Secularism and State Policies toward Religion: The United States, France, and Turkey"</a> and several other publications.<br />
<br />
While the euphoria of the “Arab Spring” still existed, Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan made historic remarks during his visit to Egypt,
Tunisia and Libya by calling on new regimes to embrace secularism. This
revived the idea of the Turkish model for the Middle East. I tried to
contribute to the discussion with a paper entitled <a href="http://www.brookings.edu/%7E/media/Research/Files/Papers/2013/02/21%20akp%20model%20kuru/BDC_AKP%20Model_Kuru.pdf?_lang=en">"Muslim Politics Without an "Islamic" State: Can Turkey's Justice and Development Party be a Model for Arab Islamists?"</a>
published by the Brookings Doha Center both in English and Arabic. The
paper offered the AK Party and passive secularism as a model to Arab
Islamists from the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt to an-Nahda in Tunisia. I
also presented these ideas at various academic meetings in Qatar,
Egypt, Tunisia, Kazakhstan, Turkey, the United States, Canada and
Australia.<br />
<br />
Recently, however, Erdoğan has moved away from passive secularism and
embraced an Islamist discourse. Given the reactions of Islamists at
home and abroad, he never repeated his call of secularism for Arab
countries. Instead, he declared that the AK Party government would
educate a “pious generation” and put the imam-hatip schools into the
center of this education project; increasingly used the Directorate of
Religious Affairs as an instrument for political purposes; made a
sectarian statement by stressing that the leader of the main opposition
party is “an Alevi”; insisted that Alevis' cemevleri (houses of worship)
cannot be recognized as places of worship; asked those who drink
alcohol to drink it at home and defined them as alcoholics; planned to
pass a law to prevent male and female students from renting apartments
and staying together; and did not take the necessary steps to reopen the
Halki Seminary of the Greek Orthodox Church. These attitudes have meant
a deviation from passive secularism and would disturb even some
moderate Islamists. A main ideational source of justification for
Erdoğan's initiatives as such came from Hayrettin Karaman, a professor
of theology, an Islamist ideologue and a columnist for the Yeni Şafak
daily. Karaman has issued fatwas to support Erdoğan on crucial issues.
Recently, his fatwas related to the issue of government tenders and
donations to pious foundations have become an important part of debates
on corruption and bribery. This newly strengthening Islamist discourse
has become problematic not only for Turkey's process of democratization
but also for the idea of a Turkish model of passive secularism in the
Middle East.<br />
<br />
Erdoğan and his source of inspiration, Karaman, are wrong in assuming
that the majority of Turkish society agrees with their Islamist
discourse. According to the Turkish Economic and Social Studies
Foundation (TESEV) and some surveys, only 10 percent of people support
the idea of an Islamic state in Turkey. In other words, only a tenth of
Turkish society would approve of the following statement, made by
Karaman in a 2011 article he wrote for Yeni Şafak: “In an Islamic
democracy ... Muslims cannot engage in immoral and sinful behavior in
the public sphere; in the private sphere their acts would not be
investigated -- as long as they are not harmful to society.” Another
approximately 20 percent of society supported assertive secularism in
Turkey. They backed the headscarf ban at universities for a long time.
The rest, about 70 percent, are neither Islamist nor assertive
secularist. They can be regarded as passive secularists, who reject both
an imposition of religious principles through state power and an
exclusion of religion from the public sphere. A founding father of this
passive secularist perspective in Turkey is Ali Fuat Başgil, who was a
professor of law and later a senator half a century ago. His book "Din
ve Laiklik" (Religion and Secularism) notes that Muslims in Turkey
should ask only one favor from the state (like Diogenes the Cynic asked
from Alexander), “Stand from between me and the sun.”<br />
<br />
Following this societal inclination toward passive secularism, the
Constitutional Court recently made a crucial decision, which was passed
by a 15 to 2 vote and announced on April 18, 2013. The court declared
that instead of strict, old (read: assertive) secularism, it now
embraces a new liberal (read: passive) secularism as the reference
point. The fact that the overwhelming majority of society prefers a
moderate stance shows that both Islamism and assertive secularism are
wrong choices for a mainstream party in Turkey. The AK Party, the
Republican People's Party (CHP) or any other party that seeks to
represent the majority should refer to passive secularism.<br />
The prediction that Turkey would provide a passive secularist model
to Arab countries has not yet materialized. Nevertheless, such a
regional role may become possible in the future. Despite the zigzags of
politicians, an overwhelming majority of society still prefers passive
secularism. This preference will design Turkish politics and its
regional role in the long run.</span></div>
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<div>
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Source: Today's Zaman</span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-13637512576107068782014-01-21T09:39:00.001-08:002014-01-21T09:42:36.163-08:00Fethullah Gulen’s interview with The Wall Street Journal in English<div style="text-align: justify;">
Joe Parkinson and Jay Solomon</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>1. </b><b>The Prime Minister has repeatedly
attacked you and Hizmet in recent weeks. Do you believe that your
alliance with his faction of the AKP is now definitively at an end?</b><br />
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"></span></div>
<a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
If we can talk about an alliance, it was around shared values of
democracy, universal human rights and freedoms — never for political
parties or candidates. In 2010 constitutional referendum I said that if
these democratic reforms, which are in line with European Union’s
requirements for membership, were done by CHP before, I would have
supported them.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
A broad spectrum of Turkish people, including Hizmet participants,
supported AKP for democratizing reforms, for ending the military
tutelage over politics and for moving Turkey forward in the EU accession
process. We have always supported what we believed to be right and in
line with democratic principles. But we have also criticized what we saw
as wrong and contrary to those principles.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
Our values or stance have not changed. We will continue to advocate
for democracy. Whether the stance or actions of the political actors are
consistent with their earlier record should be decided by the Turkish
people and unbiased observers.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>2.</b><b> You have enjoyed a decade-long alliance with Mr. Erdogan – what is the moment that has most upset you about his leadership?</b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Just to clarify again, if we can talk about an alliance, it was
values and principles based. Throughout the AKP period, we supported
democratizing reforms and criticized and opposed anti-democratic
actions. For instance, in 2005 we criticized the draft anti-terror law
that defined terror crimes too broadly and risked harming freedoms.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
During the period between 2003 and 2010, the overall trend was toward
democratic reforms and a broad spectrum of Turkish population supported
them. This was evident in the constitutional referendum of 2010 which
received 58% approval. Indeed Turkey has made economic and democratic
progress over the last 15 years.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
But we would like these democratizing reforms to continue. Turkish
people who supported the constitutional amendments of 2010 with the
phrase “good but not sufficient” are upset that in the last two years
the democratic progress is now being reversed. A new, civilian-drafted,
democratic constitution would consolidate the democratic gains and would
anchor Turkey at democratic values of EU. Unfortunately, that effort
has now been abandoned.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>3.</b><b> What is your reaction to the PM’s moves to purge the leadership of the police force?</b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
If the members of the police force or any other government agency
have breached the laws of the country or the rules of their
institutions, nobody can defend such actions and they should be
subjected to legal or institutional investigation. If, however, they
have not done anything illegal and they have not violated their
institutional rules, and they are simply being profiled based on their
worldviews or affinities, and subjected to discriminatory treatment,
then such treatment cannot be reconciled with democracy, rule of law and
universal human rights.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
Shuffles and purges based on ideology, sympathy or worldviews was a
practice of the past that the present ruling party promised to stop
while campaigning before elections. It is ironic that members of the
police force and judiciary who were applauded as heroes a few months ago
are now being shuffled in the middle of winter without any
investigation.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>4.</b><b> What is the reason that Hizmet actively encouraged their students to choose a career path in the police and the judiciary?</b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
First of all let’s correct the premise in the question. I can only
speak about my personal advocacy, which was addressed to Turkish public
in general. I have always believed that education is the best way to
nurture individuals and build a solid foundation for a society. Every
social problem starts with the individual and can be solved for the long
term at the level of the individual. Systemic, institutional or policy
level solutions are destined for failure when the individual is
neglected. Therefore my first and foremost advocacy was for education.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
It is also why many people who agreed with my ideas have established
various types of educational institutions from dormitories, exam prep
centers, to private schools and free tutoring centers. These
institutions provided a wider segment of the society access to quality
education, which were hitherto available only to a privileged few.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
I have encouraged Turkish people to be represented in all facets of
the Turkish society and in every institution of their country, because
it is important that these institutions reflect the society’s diversity.
But the choices that are made by students and their parents are shaped
by many factors such as employment opportunities and expected likelihood
of upward mobility. I am not sure how influential my advocacy has been
as a factor that these families have considered.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
As far as the institutions established by Hizmet participants, I
don’t have an accurate assessment of the career choices of their
graduates. But contrary to what you may think, for students thinking of a
career in the fields you mentioned (police or judiciary), historically
it has been a potential cause for discrimination to have graduated from
such institutions.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>5. </b><b>The government has signaled that it
will review judgments against military officers accused of plotting
coups – do you fear they are creating a new alliance against your
followers? What is your strategy to counter this?</b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Retrial in the light of new evidence or demonstration of
improprieties in the legal proceedings is a universal human right. If
new evidence has emerged, or it is determined that the legal procedure
was flawed, then retrial becomes a legal right. Nobody wants an innocent
person to face punishment unjustly.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
However, if the intention is to completely abolish the verdicts of
thousands of trials, then such a move would both undermine the
credibility of the justice system and reverse the democratic gains of
the past decade. It would be very difficult to explain such a move to
the 58% of Turkish population who supported the constitutional
amendments of 2010 which made it possible to try former coup
perpetrators in civilian courts for the first time in Turkish history.
It would also present an irony as the leaders of the present government
for years championed these trials as a triumph of democracy and
applauded the brave prosecutors and judges, in their language, who took
part in them. There have also been reports of political leaders bragging
about subjugating the military leadership to the civilian authority.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
The present rhetoric in which these trials are discredited and
attributed to a certain group within the judiciary presents a complete
contrast to the rhetoric of the political leaders during their ten years
of governance. There is also an element of insincerity here. When the
director of the Turkish Intelligence Service (MIT) was contacted by a
prosecutor for questioning the alleged participation of intelligence
officers in the terrorist acts of KCK/PKK units, the government
immediately passed a law requiring prime minister’s approval for
investigating the intelligence director. While the ruling party
certainly had the power to do so, they did not pass a similar law to
bring the same protection to the accused chief of general staff or army
commanders. This inconsistency demonstrates that the recent rhetoric of
retrials is politically motivated rather than a desire for justice for
military officers.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
If implemented, such a move would be a blow to the democratic reforms
of the recent decades. It would be a dramatic reversal of the effort
to remove the military’s tutelage over democratic institutions. In
Turkish history, four elected governments have been toppled by military
coups over half a century.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>6. </b><b>The government has targeted a range
of businesses from Koc to Dogan, slapping them with tax fines when
their political stance contrasted with Mr. Erdogan. Do you see a threat
to businesses led by Hizmet followers in light of recent events?</b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
From the news reports I am learning that what you referred to is no
longer a threat, it is reality. The Koza group, Istikbal group and Bank
Asya were targeted with various forms of extraordinary inspections,
fines, permit cancellations, and massive unscheduled fund withdrawals,
which followed negative campaign against the bank in certain news
outlets known to be close to the ruling party.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>7. </b><b>President Gul is seen as a moderate
leader who can bring together various factions ranging from
conservatives to liberals and Hizmet. Would you be supportive of an AKP
Mr. Gul leads as Prime Minister or do you think he is more helpful to
the country as president? Do you find a more sympathetic audience in Mr.
Gul compared to Mr. Erdogan.</b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
We have always tried to maintain the same proximity to all political
parties. As a civil society movement, we have never advocated supporting
a party or candidate. But individual Hizmet participants have found
certain parties and candidates closer to their beliefs and values
supported them out of their free will.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
Mr. Gul is currently our president. It would be inappropriate for us to speculate about future scenarios involving his name.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b>8. </b><b>Many of your supporters in the
media have been very positive about the CHP leadership in recent weeks –
do you believe an alliance between Hizmet and CHP is likely through the
next election cycle?</b></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<b></b>To repeat, we have never formed an alliance or
partnership with a political party or candidate. Our support or
criticism has always been around values. Such an alliance will not be
made in the future either. As civil society actor, it is imperative for
us to be open to everybody in the society. But our values are clear.
Democracy, universal human rights and freedoms, transparent and
accountable governance are among these values.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
When the opportunities come, Hizmet participants, just like any other
citizen will make their choices based on their values. It is possible
that people who share core values will make choices along the same
lines.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<div>
<br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Source: Wall Street Journal </span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-71581077341495858862014-01-09T12:56:00.002-08:002014-01-09T12:57:53.823-08:00As it happens:Turkey’s graft investigation and PM Erdoğan’s response<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">Kerim Balci</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">Last
updated Jan. 08, 2014 Turkey is passing through interesting
times. Very recently the country has been shaken by two corruption
investigations involving ministers from the ruling Justice and Development
Party (AK Party). The related investigations heralded the final parting of the
ways between two strong players in Turkey: the AK Party and the Hizmet movement
(a faith-inspired community affiliated with the now US-based Turkish cleric
Fethullah Gülen). Once allies against military tutelage and staunch secularist
elite control of power centers in the country, recent events and the Turkish
prime minister’s response demonstrate the differing views and positions of both
sides.</span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;"> </span></div>
<a name='more'></a><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgNSQ-5jmmsoaq-lU91bPrcx_GtitbSf72-UJeo3BcfgUplRn72T1WirDwlp2wYLr5W902UPm-W0lDcwHemcRMywps7zhp3xIt6-oARXeF5hZIjBU10rRAYiO9EK6_ifmQV-2QxZIK5xkY8/s1600/istifaedendort-bakan.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgNSQ-5jmmsoaq-lU91bPrcx_GtitbSf72-UJeo3BcfgUplRn72T1WirDwlp2wYLr5W902UPm-W0lDcwHemcRMywps7zhp3xIt6-oARXeF5hZIjBU10rRAYiO9EK6_ifmQV-2QxZIK5xkY8/s1600/istifaedendort-bakan.jpg" height="322" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 15.75pt;">Despite
the apparent centrality of the recent corruption investigations to the split,
the two players are in fact quite different in their understanding of politics,
Islam and societal reform. While the AK Party seeks to impact through top-down
politics and governance, the Hizmet movement seeks to serve and influence
through grassroots projects and ideas. The rift between the two players has
been growing since the last general elections in 2011. Since then, the Hizmet
movement has become increasingly critical of the AK Party government on a
number of fronts, including the lack of progress on the drafting of the new
civil constitution and the alienating style and substance of AK Party politics.
Differences became more apparent in late 2013, when the government made public
its plans to close down all forms of private preparatory schools (known
as </span><i style="line-height: 15.75pt;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">dershane</span></i><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 15.75pt;">) for the university entrance exam. About 20 percent of the
prep schools in Turkey are run by Hizmet-related companies, and many in the
movement perceive this attempt as a step toward government control of civil
society institutions, if not an outright attack on their community.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">With
the launch of the recent corruption cases, the rift became undeniable -- and
its portrayal in the Turkish and international media correspondingly dramatic.
The current situation has left observers inside and outside the country with
many questions. Kerim Balcı, editor-in-chief of Turkish Review, tries to
clarify the positions of both sides and the tense dynamics currently in play in
Turkey’s political atmosphere.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=5637584442921879800" name="dec17"></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Developments on and after Dec. 17, 2013</span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On Dec. 17, 2013, on the orders
of Chief Public Prosecutor of İstanbul Turan Çolakkadı, Turkish police
rounded up over 50 suspects over three investigations reported to have
begun as early as 14 months ago concerning corruption, bribery and money
laundering charges. Of those questioned, at the time of writing, 24 have
been formerly charged and remanded in custody by the courts.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Those charged include the three
sons of the interior minister, the economy minister, and the minister for
urban planning and development; Reza Zarrab, an Iranian-Azerbaijani
businessman; Mustafa Demir, the AK Party-affiliated mayor of İstanbul's
Fatih district; Ali Ağaoğlu, businessman and construction mogul; Süleyman
Aslan, general manager of Turkey's Halkbank; and a number of other people.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">According to an official
statement from the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office, the operation
consists of three separate investigations. The first involves Ağaoğlu and
other businessmen; the second, the three sons of the cabinet ministers;
and the third involves Halkbank.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">During the raids following the
detentions, police found $4.5 million in cash stuffed into shoeboxes and
about TL 10 million (about $5 million) also in cash in a bookshelf in
Halkbank General Manager Aslan's house. Similarly, police found a
substantive amount of cash and seven steel vaults in the house of one of
the ministers’ sons.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Barış Güler, son of Interior
Minister Muammer Güler, Salih Kaan Çağlayan, son of Economy Minister Zafer
Çağlayan, Reza Sarraf, Mustafa Demir and Süleyman Aslan were arrested by
the court. Ali Ağaoğlu and the son of Environment and Urban Planning
Minister Erdoğan Bayraktar were released by the court.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On Dec. 25, three cabinet
ministers whose sons were linked to the investigation resigned from their
offices. Economy Minister Zafer Çağlayan and Interior Minister Muammer
Güler announced their resignations first. Environment and Urban Planning
Minister Erdoğan Bayraktar was apparently also under pressure to resign
and ultimately also relinquished his post in Parliament.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Late the same day Prime
Minister Erdoğan announced a Cabinet reshuffle effectively ousting the
fourth minister linked to the first investigations from his post. Minister
for EU Affairs and Chief Negotiator Egemen Bağış was replaced by Antalya
deputy Mevlut Çavuşoğlu. Apart from the four ministers linked to the
corruption case, the prime minister also changed six names in the Cabinet.
A surprise name was Efkan Ala, undersecretary for the Prime Ministry, who
was given the top spot of the Interior Ministry.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On Jan. 5 pro-government Sabah
daily ran a story claiming that Prosecutor Zekeriya Öz, the name behind
the Dec. 17 Investigation, had gone on an expensive vacation in Dubai with
friends and family in 2012, and that the trip had been financed by a
Turkish construction mogul. The same day, Ali Ağaoğlu claimed that his
company covered the expenses of the trip. Zekeriya Öz rejected the claims,
but this didn’t prevent the 1st Chamber of the Supreme Board of Judges and
Prosecutors (HSYK) from removing Öz from the Dec. 17 Investigation case
and reassigning him to another inferior position at the Bakırköy
Courthouse in İstanbul.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On Jan. 8 Zaman daily ran an
online story claiming that the Dubai hotel where Öz had been accused of
spending Ağaoğlu’s money, rejected the claims and denied authenticity of
the invoices published by the Sabah daily.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dec. 25 investigation of
corruption</span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On Dec. 25, 2013, the public
became aware of another investigation led by Prosecutor Muammer Akkaş when
the head of the İstanbul Metropolitan Police Force refused to carry out
the orders of the prosecutor (following the arrests on Dec. 17 the
government had changed the head of the İstanbul Metropolitan Police
Force).<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Despite a court order on Dec.
25, at the time of writing, 41 new suspects have yet to be detained for
questioning, and search orders are yet to be executed at seven premises.
Instead, on Dec. 26, Prosecutor Akkaş was reassigned.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Since then, Akkaş has issued a
short statement to the effect that his orders were not followed; that he
was prevented from carrying out an investigation; that the independence of
the judiciary had been violated; and that the Constitution had been
breached.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On Jan. 6 the 1st Chamber of
the HSYK decided to start an investigation into Prosecutor Akkaş, together
with Chief Public Prosecutor of İstanbul Çolakkadı, who reassigned
Prosecutor Akkaş and Selami Altınok, head of the İstanbul Metropolitan
Police Force, for preventing police officers from cooperating with
Prosecutor Akkaş.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On Jan. 8 Justice Minister
Bekir Bozdağ said he would not grant the permission needed to launch an
inquiry into Chief Prosecutor Çolakkadı and police chief Altınok.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=5637584442921879800" name="howhave"></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">How have
Erdoğan and the AK Party responded?</span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l4 level1 lfo2; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As was the case during the
protests of İstanbul’s Gezi Park this summer, Prime Minister Erdoğan and
the AK Party government argue that these investigations are an
international plot to overthrow the government orchestrated by “external”
and “internal” enemies that are deeply uncomfortable with a strong and
independent Turkey. By this, Erdoğan and the AK Party directly and
indirectly refer to the US (Erdoğan has even implicated the US ambassador
to Turkey as being the mastermind behind the investigation, adding that he
did not have to keep the ambassador on Turkish soil), Israel (“the
interest rate lobby”), foreign powers not wanting Turkey to resolve its
Kurdish issue (“the blood lobby”), the Turkish Industrialists and
Businessmen’s Association (TÜSİAD -- “the big industries”), the opposition
political parties, Gezi Park protestors and the Hizmet movement -- with
the latter being the domestic pawn carrying out these plots on behalf of
the above domestic and overseas parties.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l4 level1 lfo2; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">AK Party deputies (Şamil
Tayyar, Metin Metiner, etc.) and pro-government papers have suggested that
those sympathetic to Hizmet have infiltrated the top levels of Turkey’s
state structure and are orchestrating this plot on behalf of the country’s
national and international enemies. Erdoğan and members of his government
have publicly declared their intent to “crush” and “break” the movement by
entering “its dens.”<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l4 level1 lfo2; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Here are some of the terms used
by Erdoğan in recent weeks in relation to the ongoing graft investigations:
“a coalition between outsider and insider enemies,” “dirty coalition,”
“international masterminds,” “parallel state,” “pawn of international
networks,” “traitors,” “global assassination attempt,” “breaking of
hands,” “entering their dens,” “crushing them,” “second war of
independence,” “dirty international media,” “blood lobby,” “no surrender.”<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo3; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The government has taken a
number of steps, too many to list here. The following are the most
pertinent to the ongoing investigation.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<ul type="circle">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l2 level2 lfo3; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 1.0in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Within 24 hours of the investigation
going public, 24 police chiefs were reassigned, including all the police
chiefs leading the investigations on behalf of the public prosecution
service. These actions were taken by the interior minister whose son has
been charged and is currently on remand pending trial.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l2 level2 lfo3; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 1.0in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Following this, an additional
1,000 police officers of varying ranks around the country were
reassigned. Those re-assigned are largely those of the “organized crime
division,” which is responsible for investigating, among other things,
corruption, bribery and money laundering activities. These actions were
also taken by then Interior Minister Güler.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l2 level2 lfo3; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 1.0in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hüseyin Çapkın, Head of the
İstanbul Metropolitan Police Force, was removed from his post and
replaced by the mayor of Aksaray, who has no policing experience
whatsoever. Appointing someone from outside the police force to head the
largest police force in the country is an unprecedented step. This action
was also taken by then Interior Minister Güler.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l2 level2 lfo3; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 1.0in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">An important bylaw was passed
stating that the police are obliged to inform their superior officers of
ongoing investigations carried out on behalf of the public prosecution
services. (Meaning, for example that the interior minister would be
informed by the police services that his/her son was being investigated
by the police on behalf of the prosecution services.)<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l2 level2 lfo3; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 1.0in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Then-Justice Minister Sadullah
Ergin and Istanbul Chief Prosecutor Çolakkadı met twice following the
detentions and while the investigations were ongoing.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l2 level2 lfo3; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 1.0in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Two additional prosecutors
were appointed to these cases -- despite no request from the existing
prosecutors -- and a directive issued stating that decisions could be
arrived at by a two-vote majority. (That said, the prosecutors
unanimously agreed to formally charge suspects.)<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l2 level2 lfo3; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list 1.0in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Other steps have also been
taken to reassign officials involved in state auditing and in the state
media.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=5637584442921879800" name="haveerdogan"></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Have
Erdoğan or the AK Party offered any proof of their conspiracy allegations?</span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo4; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Erdoğan and the AK Party have
not produced any form of evidence to justify their conspiracy allegations.
Instead they have put forth a number of arguments:<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Argument 1: The investigating
police did not inform their superiors of their investigation</span></i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo5; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The government argued very
strongly that the fact that the investigating police units did not inform
their superiors within the police force for the past 14/15 months of the
ongoing investigations was proof that these investigations were not
genuine but part of an international plot to topple the government.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo5; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">However, according to Section
164(2) of the 2004 code on Criminal Procedure (CMK) and the relevant bylaw
of 2005, police officers and police units are only answerable to the
public prosecution service when investigating on their behalf. A police
officer or unit cannot inform its superior within the police force of an
ongoing investigation it is undertaking on behalf of the public
prosecution service. The police cannot divulge any information whatsoever
-- even of the very existence of the investigation. Only the investigating
prosecutor (not even the chief prosecutor) can decide who should be
informed, when and how. Contravening this would be unlawful and could lead
to prosecution.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo5; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This law was passed by the AK
Party government to bring it into line with EU laws and to prevent
sensitive investigations from being compromised through leaks.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo5; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Despite its rhetoric to the
contrary, the government has tacitly acknowledged that there was no
wrongdoing on the part of the police as it reassigned (not dismissed)
officers and speedily amended the relevant bylaw of 2005. By doing so, it
indirectly acknowledged that police officers could not lawfully inform
their superiors within the force while the law remained as it did at the
time.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo5; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The amendment meant that any
investigation will now be shared by the investigating police unit with its
superiors, which in turn will eventually be shared with the Interior
Ministry.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l8 level1 lfo5; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">However, the Supreme Court of
Appeal (</span><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Danıştay</span></i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">) has since revoked this amendment on the grounds that
it is unlawful and contravenes the secrecy and independence of judicial
enquiry and due process.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Argument 2: Three separate
investigations were launched at the same time to undermine the government</span></i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l6 level1 lfo6; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On Dec. 17 the police took in
several people for questioning and carried out searches at a number of
premises. As far as can be seen, these actions were related to three
separate investigations. The government claims that the fact that the
detentions and search warrants were carried out on the same day is proof
that the investigations are not genuine but were executed in this manner
to maximize impact.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l6 level1 lfo6; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">It is impossible to know the
exact reasoning of the prosecutors for deciding to carry out these
detentions and exercise these search warrants on the same day, as they are
barred from commenting to the press while carrying out an investigation.
However, many commentators have suggested that the prosecutors acted in
this way fearing that if they launched one investigation first, the
government might react and try to suppress the other investigations before
vital evidence could be collected and the relevant suspects questioned.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l6 level1 lfo6; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Steps taken by the government
since Dec. 17 would appear to support this reasoning. Note that on Dec. 25
a second phase in the graft investigation run by Prosecutor Muammer Akkaş
was blocked. Despite a court order, 41 new suspects are yet to be detained
for questioning and search orders are yet to be carried out at seven
premises. The police are yet to execute these orders. Instead, on Dec. 26,
Akkaş was removed from the investigation.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Argument 3: The timing of the
detentions and search warrants (three months prior to local elections) proves
that these investigations are not genuine but seek to damage the AK Party at
the polls</span></i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l7 level1 lfo7; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On March 30 Turkey will go to
local elections. If no change is made to their dates the presidential
election will take place on the last day of August 2014, and general
elections on June 14, 2015.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l9 level1 lfo8; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Based on leaked evidence, it is
alleged that the prosecutors decided to launch the detentions and search
warrants at the time that they did because they had heard the suspects had
got wind of the investigations and had started to destroy vital evidence.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=5637584442921879800" name="whatare"></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">What are
Gülen’s views on the ongoing graft investigation in Turkey?</span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo9; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen has stated that such
investigations can take place in any country and that the government
should cooperate with the judiciary to assist the judicial process.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo9; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen and the Journalists and
Writers Foundation (GYV), of which he is the honorary chairperson, denied
any involvement with the ongoing investigations. Furthermore, they invited
state authorities to prove those allegations, and take legal action if any
evidence is found substantiating them through due process -- not by
undermining the institutions and processes charged with investigating such
claims and allegations as they claim the government is doing. Gülen's
lawyer condemned and rejected the allegations as an attempt to divert
public attention away from a massive bribery scandal and defame his
client.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo9; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A number of commentators close
to the movement have pointed out that the investigations date back at
least 14/15 months and therefore cannot have any bearing on the
government’s recent decision to close down university prep schools (a
decision the movement strongly opposes).<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo9; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen states that the premier’s
attempts at pinning the investigation on an international conspiracy, of
which the movement is allegedly the domestic partner, and the reassigning
of hundreds of innocent people to different posts, is an attempt to
misdirect the public’s attention away from the real issue and constitutes
interference with an ongoing investigation.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo9; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">While denying that he has anything
to do with these investigations, Gülen has also pointed out that these
police officers and police chiefs have been changed and reassigned many
times over already. Gülen also invoked “God’s curse” on himself and those
rightly or wrongly associated with him if they have acted in contravention
of Islam, modern law and democracy. In addition, if some people are
trying to cover up their corruption by blaming innocent people, then God’s
curse be upon them. This form of prayer is called </span><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">mulaane</span></i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> or</span><i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">mubahale</span></i><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> in
Islam. It is based on the Qur’an and Sunnah and is undertaken when two
parties make diametrically opposing claims and reach a deadlock in
resolving an issue. It is a two-way conditional prayer.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=5637584442921879800" name="gulenand"></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen and
the Hizmet movement were supportive of Erdoğan and his government. What
happened?</span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo10; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen is on record as
expressing his support for democracy, the non-instrumentalization of
religion in politics, the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion
and belief, the rule of law, equality and celebration of diversity,
consultative and inclusive decision- making, meritocracy and
accountability, a strong vibrant resilient and compassionate civil
society.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo10; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The GYV has issued various
press releases reiterating the movement’s position on democracy, the rule
of law, press freedom, politics and supporting a particular party or
political candidate.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo10; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen and the Hizmet movement
gave full support to the demilitarization of Turkish politics. In
particular the Ergenekon and Sledgehammer (Balyoz) cases received support
from Hizmet-related media. Both cases ended in the punishment of ex-army
personnel and civilians linked to coup plots against the AK Party
government. The decisions of the Turkish courts were applauded by the EU
as positive steps toward democratization and prevention of military
intervention into politics.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo10; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Prosecutor Zekeriya Öz, the
prosecutor who launched the first corruption case on Dec. 17<sup>,</sup>was
presiding over the Ergenekon case and was also lauded by AK Party
supporters at the time of the coup case.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo10; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen and the Hizmet movement
supported those policies of Erdoğan and the government that furthered
democracy, the rule of law, human rights, equality, EU accession, respect
and freedom for diversity and pluralism. Polices that strengthened civil
society, removed non-democratic tutelage, provided greater freedom to
religious minorities and sought to resolve Turkey’s long-lasting internal
and external problems. The reason Gülen and the movement no longer support
Erdoğan and his policies is because they no longer seek to achieve the
above.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo10; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Erdoğan has adopted an
increasingly authoritarian style of governance in recent years. Rather
than reforming constitutional bodies and structures that are deeply
undemocratic and possess far too much power over any elected government,
he has sought to maintain and govern through them. He has strengthened
state power at the expense of civil society and is more inclined towards
the Shanghai Cooperation than the EU. What is more, he is increasingly
showing signs of readopting the “political Islam” he had rejected when
founding the AK Party.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo10; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The following are some examples
between 2010 and today demonstrating this change of direction: slowing
down of EU negotiations, the Uludere incident (a military airstrike in
which dozens of civilians were killed), the rhetoric developed during the
Gezi Park protests and the attempt to ban prep schools.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l5 level1 lfo10; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The final rift came when Prime
Minister Erdoğan started claiming that Hizmet has infiltrated the state
apparatus and formed a “parallel state” plotting the recent corruption
cases against his party, and that Hizmet was working as a domestic arm of
foreign powers who did not want Turkey to become a global player.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=5637584442921879800" name="hasthe"></a><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Has the
Hizmet movement infiltrated Turkey’s police and judiciary? Is the Hizmet
movement a ‘parallel state’?</span><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l10 level1 lfo11; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">These allegations have been
made about Gülen and Hizmet before. Gülen was tried and acquitted by
Turkey’s staunchly secular courts in the 1980s and 1990s -- that is prior
to the birth of the AK Party. Most recently, in 2006, Gülen was acquitted
of such allegations after a six-year trial. The prosecutors appealed this
decision but the Court of Appeal upheld Gülen’s acquittal in 2008.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l10 level1 lfo11; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Furthermore, from the 1990s
onward the movement has been active outside of Turkey. Today the movement
is active in over 150 different in a range of fields, primarily education
and interfaith dialogue.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l10 level1 lfo11; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen encourages Muslims to
take part in every part of society and not to be confined to conventional
roles and jobs. He encourages practicing Muslims to work in all sectors
and industries, including the civil service, police, judiciary, media,
military and academia -- in the past these were sectors knowingly avoided
by and closed to observant Muslims in Turkey. A learned estimate suggests
that 8 percent of the Turkish population regard themselves as Hizmet
affiliated. With such a huge support base, it is inevitable that more and
more observant Muslims should be taking up such positions.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l10 level1 lfo11; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen’s teachings have helped
remove the cultural and religious dogma that previously prevented pious
Muslims from being proactively engaged in society and working in the
public sector. As a consequence many practicing Turkish Muslims now work
in the police force and other public services. The question is not be
whether there are practicing Muslims inspired by Gülen working in the
police force, but why such people were discouraged from such jobs and
positions -- be it in the police force or other public sectors -- in the
past.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l10 level1 lfo11; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">If the assertion is that
members of the police force who are inspired by Gülen are somehow engaged
in improper activities (i.e. that they act in the best interest of Gülen
and/or Hizmet as opposed to the rule of law and proper procedure) then
this is not only illegal it is also contrary to Gülen’s teachings. If
there is any wrongdoing of this or any other type such people should be
tried according to due process. This cannot be achieved by undermining the
judicial institutions and processes required to investigate such claims.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 15.75pt; mso-list: l10 level1 lfo11; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gülen is on record stating that
anyone acting contrary to the law should be investigated and tried; he has
stated many times before that if there are any groups within the police
force or any other public body acting contrary to the law and even the
code of conduct, that these people should be investigated and if found
guilty, punished according to the letter of the law.<o:p></o:p></span></li>
</ul>
<div>
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Source: Turkish Review</span></span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-46196152783809605912014-01-04T08:49:00.002-08:002014-01-04T16:37:32.350-08:00A Conversation with Rev. Alexei R. Smith on Interfaith Dialogue <div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #0b5394;"><b>Alp Ataizi</b></span><br />
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span>
<span style="line-height: 115%;">As
Pacifica Institute we have started a new interview series with prominent
leaders of today's society. To launch the series, we sat down to enjoy an
enlightening conversation with</span> <span style="text-align: start;">Rev. Alexei R. Smith, Ecumenical and Interreligious
Affairs Officer for the Archdiocese of Los Angeles, to speak about interfaith
dialogue. Rev. Smith is one of the very first interfaith activists on
interfaith dialogue in the Los Angeles area and has paved the way in this
meaningful cause. </span><br />
<span style="text-align: start;"><br /></span>
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<span style="line-height: 115%;">Father
Alexei served as an elected member of the Council of Priests of the Archdiocese
of Los Angeles for six years, serving as Vice President of the Council and
Chair of the Priestly Life and Ministry Committee for the last two years of his
service on the Council. <br />
<br style="text-align: start;" />
<span style="text-align: start;">In November of 2000, Cardinal Roger Mahony
appointed Father Alexei to a five year term as Ecumenical and Interreligious
Officer of the Archdiocese, and reappointed him to a second five year term in
July 2006. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="text-align: start;">Father Alexei served as president of the
Interreligious Council of Southern California for five years and is the
recipient of numerous commendations and awards: in 2007 he was awarded the
prestigious Religious Leadership Award of the Valley Interfaith Council.</span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg1OquIUNE8iDQ3ErLrkf-aB-aQ4gaZtk9tyD-ftmCyVQq69xU1bmLwpVInJ7qe8LTSNB_KwNhNgYrpquCBPke_Mpwchp3OkH-659IRGkYS0-nq2AOj6spMnG3bE2Qba1uq8h3lKs5lUF22/s1600/photo+3.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg1OquIUNE8iDQ3ErLrkf-aB-aQ4gaZtk9tyD-ftmCyVQq69xU1bmLwpVInJ7qe8LTSNB_KwNhNgYrpquCBPke_Mpwchp3OkH-659IRGkYS0-nq2AOj6spMnG3bE2Qba1uq8h3lKs5lUF22/s320/photo+3.JPG" width="228" /></a><i>Q. </i><i style="text-align: justify;"><b>As we all know you are
very active in the interfaith scene and our very first question to you is, what
does interfaith dialog mean to you?</b></i></div>
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Interfaith dialog means at it differs from what we term as Ecumenical dialog. Ecumenical dialog means our interaction with our fellow
Christians. Interfaith would mean our interaction with people who are non-Christian
and the goals are different. In the
sense they are the same, but different.
In ecumenical dialog with our fellow Christians, the goal is to reunite
all Christians into one entity as we were originally. Interfaith dialog does
not have the same goal, the goal is to be enriched by each other, to embrace
each other with open your arms. What are
you doing you are making room in yourself for the other individual. Interfaith dialog for me is the embrace of
one another, making room in myself for the other and to be enriched by the other.
In order to be enriched by one another we will acknowledge that we don’t share total
beliefs but we don’t allow those areas to impede our working together for the
betterment of society.</div>
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<i><b> Q. How did you first get involved in interfaith dialog?</b><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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Oh (laugh), I was assigned this job in the year 2000. The Catholic Arch bishop here took me aside
one day and said, ‘I have a new job I want you to do’. And I knew nothing about
this. He said, ‘we are looking for new
ecumenical interreligious officer for the archdiocese. Everybody tells me it should be you. So if
you want the job I’m telling you it’s yours.’ I was totally shocked, I had no
idea this was coming and I immediately asked the Archbishop, ‘your eminence, who
is telling you this?’, ‘Oh don’t worry about it’ and I said, ‘You know I have
no academic background in this, I didn’t study any of these world religions and
I have no degree in this stuff’, ‘Don’t worry about that stuff’. Every excuse I made he said ‘Don’t worry’ and
finally I said, ‘I would like to think about this, pray about this and can I
get back to you?’. He said, ‘Yes you
may.’ I’ll never forget that was in a
Wednesday and on Friday his secretary called and said the cardinal has a
message for you. I said, ‘And what’s
that?’, ‘he wants to know if you have finished praying and whether you can
start on Monday. And I took that as a
sign that I should engage in this work and I am still thankful that I did. I have been now at this position since the
year 2000, so next month is my 14<sup>th</sup> year and it’s made a total
difference in the way it’s really enriched my life.</div>
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<i><b>Perfect. Let me
ask you about the interfaith community.
How has the interfaith community changed over the years? Has it
progressed?</b><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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Yes. That is not to
say that we have not had setbacks, but it is to say that we have
progressed. I believe we are for the
most part understanding one another better, excepting one another better more
and growing together.</div>
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<i><b>Q.Why do you think
interfaith dialog is so important particularly today?</b></i></div>
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Well look at where we live here in Los Angeles. We have absolutely every religion here, from
A to Z. From the Armenian Orthodox to Zoroastrians.
And I think Los Angeles is known for it being a city that many other cities of
the world like to model. I mean look at the entertainment industry, all of
these things. But I think and I told our
mayors this, we should be exporting to
these people is the fact that we can live together, people of different
ethnicities, colors, races and religions but we can live together
harmoniously. And this is what we have
to show the world with.</div>
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<i>And Los Angeles is the
perfect platform, </i>the perfect place for this.<i><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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<i><b>Q.What are some
of the, if there are any, unexpected challenges that you have come across in
your work?</b><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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I think the main one for me, speaking as a catholic now,
that not all of our people are 100% behind this. Even though this is the
official teaching of the Catholic Church, it has been since the 2<sup>nd</sup>
Vatican council in 1960’s. For we
acknowledge there is truth in non-Christian religions, where we are told by the
church that we should interact with other religions, all of these things. Not all of our people are there yet. So we
have to work on them and try to bring them along.</div>
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<i><b>Q.This
actually connects to my second question which is, Why do you think some people
do not believe in interfaith? Is it because they don’t really see it succeeding
or do you think they might be some restrictions in their religion that would
not permit them engaging?</b><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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I think it is the opposite of what you said initially. I think they do see it as succeeding and it challenged
them because that would mean they would have to change. They don’t want to change. They want to possess the idea that we are the
sole possessor of the truth, nobody else has anything to offer society, no
possible feedback that they learn from you, that type of mentality that is
certainly faulty reasoning. I mean look
at the world, those areas that live in isolation out there and you can see that
it is not working. Well Francis now is a light for us, for the whole world, as almost everything
he says in his official statements says he always mentions that we have to take
inter-religious dialog deeper, not superficially or ‘hello, nice to see you
again’ type of thing, but really delve into this whole realm of what makes you
a Muslim, what make me a Catholic, what we can share together. How we can work together to build a society.</div>
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<i><b>Q. What do you think is
the biggest challenge that we have, that we haven’t passed yet? The biggest
challenge that we have to build these bridges?</b><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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Well I think for many people it would be fear. Fear of the unknown. They don’t know and we do a lot of education
programs. Pacifica has all kinds of
educational programs, some of which I have been able to attend and they are
wonderful. Just like we do, the Catholic
Church does a number of programs that our parish and such that we try to
educate people about things that. And we
have to continue doing that, we have to continue throwing these seeds. Some of these seeds will germinate and they
will grow to great trees and produce a lot of fruit, other will wither and
die. But it is the fear factor that of
what people just don’t know. Let me give
you an example of what I mean. I occasionally
put together what I call Father Alexi’s bus tour, where we gather at one of our
catholic facilities through our parish here.
We gather at one of these parishes, we begin with morning prayer and a
Christian tradition other than Catholic, so that they are exposed to some other
type of Christianity than Catholicism and then we go and visit four, maybe
sometimes five houses of worship of different faith and I never tell these
people where we are going. Just go. And
I remember once distinctly we pulled into the parking lot then of Omar Ibn
Al’Kattab mosque down there by the University (USC) and as we got off a lady
grabbed my arm and said, ‘Oh I am so thankful you brought us here’ and I said
‘Why is that?’, and she said ‘because I live down the street, I have always
wanted to go in here, but I haven’t’. And I said ‘Well why didn’t you go in?’,
she said ‘Well I am afraid, I am afraid of the unknown, I am afraid that they
won’t accept me or I will do something that will offend them or I won’t accept
them or I won’t know how to behave or whatever’, so I said ‘Well, my dear, you
just stick with me and we will walk you through this’. And we did and I watched her while she was
there and as we walked out she grabbed my arm again and said ‘Well that was
wonderful, I should have been in here a long time ago. These people are just
like us.’ So once you get people to take a leap over there initial fear of
something unknown you have a chance.</div>
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<i><b>That was a great
story. I can relate to that one in
different ways as well. Sometimes you
need that hand…<o:p></o:p></b></i></div>
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<i><b>Q. Let me tie this all
together with my last question about Pacifica.
What is your experience with Pacifica Institute and Hizmet in general?</b><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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I’ll never forget that Ensar called and you weren’t Pacifica
then, you were Global Cultural Connections, and he called and wanted to know whether
he can come and talk with me. It wasn’t
just Ensar it was Ibrahim and a couple of other gentlemen and I said ‘Okay, I
have a half hour’. They came and we had
such wonderful conversation that I cancelled some other appointments and we must
have talked for two and a half hours our first day. And they were very interested in becoming
active in the interfaith scene here. I gave him some contacts and took him around to a couple of
places. We had a long association with now
Pacifica and I think it is wonderful and what you are doing in marvelous. It is not only exposing people to Turkish
culture and such, but also to a positive face of not only Islam but also a
positive face to interfaith relations.
So I commend you and have commended you.
You have been gracious enough to invite me to come and speak at some of
your Friendship Dinners not only here in Los Angeles, but in Hawaii once and
where else, Reno I think and maybe someplace else. And I am more than willing to do that because
I admire the work that you are doing and I certainly support that. With the Hizmet organization per see or
movement, I am admirer of Mr. Gulen. I
have read several of the books he has written, articles about him. I think he represents a positive future which
should be emulated, his activities should be emulated in many different parts of
the world, especially the Islamic world. This openness to the other, never
denying who he is or what he is. I never
deny that I am a Catholic or Catholic Priest, no one has asked me to do that in
order to participate in interfaith dialog. Interfaith Dialog is certainly not
about going out and trying to convert one to another religion. It’s growing in understanding and such, you
maintain your identity while working together in making it a better world and
that is the true sense for it.<br />
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<i><b>Father Alexi thank you
very much for your time.</b><o:p></o:p></i></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-38681449604252504862014-01-03T22:31:00.001-08:002014-01-03T22:31:22.110-08:00Turkey’s Struggle for Checks and Balances<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #0b5394;"><b>Husain Haqqani </b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Prime Minister
Erdogan is blaming a corruption case on his political nemesis, but the reality
is that the government has been overstepping its democratic bounds.</span><span style="font-size: 14.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">After
a decade of economic progress under an elected government, Turkey is facing a
major political crisis. Turkey’s economic success under Prime Minister Recep
Teyyip Erdogan, whose Justice and Development Party (AKP) has Islamist roots,
was cited by many as an example of the potential for moderating Islamism
through democracy. Erdogan was said to have provided good governance and
opportunities to ordinary citizens that previously had been available to a
privileged few.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">But
power corrupts, and the current government in Turkey has had absolute power in
the absence of strong opposition and after winning a third term in 2011.
Erdogan is currently facing corruption charges, which he attributes to either
foreign powers (which includes the U.S. and Israel) or to the followers of
Fethulleh Gulen, an Islamic scholar and social advocate. Gulen is a former ally
of the government who has now distanced himself from the prime minister.
Erdogan blames Gulen’s followers entrenched in Turkey’s judiciary and the
police system of fabricating the corruption allegations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The
prime minister’s theories are clouded by discovery by investigators of shoe
boxes filled with millions of dollars—a clear sign that something is amiss. Two
of Erdogan’s Cabinet ministers have resigned after <span style="color: windowtext; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">the arrest of their sons</span> in connection with
the investigation. One of the resigning ministers demanded Erdogan’s own resignation,
hinting that the prime minister bore responsibility for the alleged corruption.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">At the center of the main corruption
investigation is the state bank, Halkbank, which has been a matter of concern
for the U.S. as it <span style="color: windowtext; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">helped Iran evade sanctions</span>. It was also the
subject of a letter by 46 members of the U.S. Congress. The business partner of
one of the suspects was the subject of a <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">New York Times</span></i>article in the
context of Iran evading sanctions in October.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Rather
than doing what any democratic government should, Erdogan took steps to remove
accountability: The police chiefs investigating corruption charges were removed
and the prosecutor who started the case pacified. Erdogan accused the higher
council of prosecutors and judges, as well as the court of appeals, of being
part of the conspiracy against him. The court of appeals had annulled his
attempted requirement for police investigators to inform politically-appointed
superiors of any current or future investigations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Turkey
already ranks poorly in the media freedom index, and now, the media’s access to
police has also been severely restricted. The prosecutor investigating a new
corruption case that involved the prime minister’s son has just made a
statement citing political pressure and obstruction of justice. Anyone in
government bureaucracy or other institutions mustering the courage to speak
against the government is being targeted and transferred or pacified.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Dissent
against Erdogan has been simmering for a while because of his increased
authoritarianism. From recent discourse on <span style="color: windowtext; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">regulating student homes</span> and the government’s
heavy-handed reaction to <span style="color: windowtext; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Gezi Park protests</span>, Erdogan increasingly runs
Turkey like a dictator. Restrictions on freedom of press have been imposed
through owner censorship and the prime minister’s tolerance for democratic
opposition has visibly decreased. Many observers, including the former interior
minister who resigned from AKP, have pointed to small oligarchic elite within
the party leadership who control every decision.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The
current unrest in Turkey is not about Gulen as much as it is about the
judiciary, citizens and civil -society actors performing the role of checks and
balances against government transgressions. Gulen supporters seem only to be a
part of the larger section of the society that believes in the values of
government transparency. The Gulen movement is a civil society initiative that
advocates for democracy and social justice while maintaining personal
religiosity. It is not a political party and Gulen or his key disciples have
shown little interest in political office.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The
Turkish history of imposed Jacobin Secularism ended up creating virtual
segregation against observant Muslims. Gulen encouraged education as a platform
for ending that discrimination and advocated social justice, arguing that
separation of religion and state should not lead to the state excluding
religious observance from the lives of its people.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Erdogan
may be right about the Turkish judiciary and police having Gulen supporters.
But that differs little from the police or judiciary in the U.S. having
Catholics, Jews or evangelical Christians in their ranks. Gulen’s message of
inclusive democracy has influenced a significant population in Turkey and those
who share his beliefs, as well as those who are indifferent to or against them,
are bound to be in a subset of any institution in Turkey.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 12pt 0in; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Erdogan’s
authoritarian style and the fact that he has been in power too long were bound
to create a backlash at some point. That is now happening. The idea of seeing
the emerging crisis in Turkey as a power struggle between two titans is
glamorous. But the issue in Turkey seems to be checks and balances against
government transgressions, not just a personal tiff between Erdogan and Gulen.</span></div>
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Source: The Daily Beast </div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-69751596828358994122014-01-03T08:15:00.001-08:002014-01-03T08:54:44.161-08:00Can Social Literature Compete with Social Media?<div style="text-align: justify;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 18.390625px;">Commentary by Christopher John Farley</span></span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 18.390625px;"><br /></span></span></span>
<span style="background-color: white;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 18.390625px;">This morning, author </span><strong style="line-height: 18.390625px;">Kate DiCamillo</strong><span style="line-height: 18.390625px;"> announced on her </span><strong style="line-height: 18.390625px;">Facebook</strong><span style="line-height: 18.390625px;"> page that she will serve as the new national ambassador for young people’s literature. Her induction into the post, which is supported by the Library of Congress and other organizations, is scheduled for Jan. 10 in Washington, D.C</span></span><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 18.390625px;">.</span></span></div>
</div>
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<span style="background-color: white;"><span class="detail-spot" style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 21px;"></span><br /></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">The post, which is filled every two years, is meant to promote literature for children during an age in which it is under assault from all sorts of digital entertainment, including social media and video games.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">But can an ambassador really help get your child to read?</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">“The whole thing is pretty intimidating; but it is also deeply, deeply gratifying, because for the next two years, I will get to go around the country talking about what matters to me, and what matters to me is this: people connecting through stories,” DiCamillo said on her Facebook page.</span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">According to DiCamillo’s publicist, her platform in the post–yes, she has a platform–is the theme “stories connect us.” DiCamillo, the author of the bestseller “Because of Winn-Dixie” and the new “Flora & Ulysses,” plans to travel the country promoting shared reading experiences, like community reading projects where kids in cities and towns all read the same book.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white;">Video games used to be more like books–essentially solitary experiences which involved people separating themselves from groups. But social media is, by definition of course, social, and video games have become much more so: kids chat online or via headsets with friends as they play, and if you’re not on Xbox Live playing Call of Duty and NBA 2K14, you’re not part of the community or the conversation.</span></div>
</div>
<div style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 1.314em; margin-bottom: 1em; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">According to Scholastic’s latest Kids & Family Reading Report, about half of parents (49%) feel their children do not spend enough time reading books for fun, while the overwhelming majority of parents think that their children spend too much time playing video games or visiting social networking sites.</span></div>
</div>
<div style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 1.314em; margin-bottom: 1em; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">Parents have probably felt that their kids aren’t reading enough even before the first video game was invented. But today they’re feeling that feeling more. The percentage of parents who say their child does not spend enough time reading for fun has risen since 2010 across all age groups of children (36% in 2010 to 49% in 2012).</span></div>
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<div style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 1.314em; margin-bottom: 1em; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">I recently wrote a fantasy novel called “Game World,” and part of my motivation was to create a book that would engage younger readers by tackling themes and subjects that they care about, including video games and social media. I wanted it to be the kind of book that kids and parents could read together and have something meaningful and fun to discuss.</span></div>
</div>
<div style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 1.314em; margin-bottom: 1em; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">Reading can be more of a social experience, if friends and family are brought into the process. When my 11-year-old son started a two-person summer book club with a friend not long ago, he was much more engaged in the reading process than when he was reading alone. And according to the Scholastic report, having reading role-model parents or a large book collection at home has a greater impact on kids’ reading frequency than household income does.</span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">DiCamillo is likely to be a terrific ambassador for young people’s literature. The problem is, once children’s literature needs an ambassador, there’s already a problem.</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">Parents need to make sure that children’s literature doesn’t seem like a far-away place that requires an ambassador to relate to. Children’s literature should take kids to other countries and other worlds, but the reading experience shouldn’t feel like something distant. If kids don’t feel like they’re already living in the land of literature, if they don’t feel as if books are an intimate part of their lives, things have gone horribly wrong.</span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="background-color: white;">Social literature can be more powerful than social media and social gaming. If parents read books with kids, encourage them to start book clubs, select books that tackle issues kids care about, and maybe turn off the screens around the house now and again, reading can be made into a more social and more relevant experience in kids’ lives.</span></div>
</div>
<div style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 1.314em; margin-bottom: 1em; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: white;">Source: The Wall Street Journal</span></div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-60197407469646343012014-01-01T11:48:00.004-08:002014-01-01T11:48:37.015-08:00New Laws Coming to California in 2014<div style="text-align: justify;">
<div id="paragraph1" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">As the New Year approaches, there are several new laws about to be enacted in California -- from transgender students' rights and a minimum wage boost, to sharing the road with bicyclists and changes to tips at restaurants.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph2" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">Here is a round up of some of the new edicts:</span></div>
</div>
<a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;">
TRANSGENDER RIGHTS<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px;">: Students in grades K-12 who identify as transgender will be allowed to use school bathrooms and play on sport teams “consistent with their gender identity,” starting Jan. 1, 2014.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<div style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;">
</div>
<div id="paragraph5" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">MINIMUM WAGE HIKE: Workers earning minimum wage will net $9 an hour starting July 1, 2014. The increase is part of a three-year plan that will raise the hourly minimum wage in California to $10 – one of the highest in the nation – by 2016. Under another bill, domestic workers will have to be paid time and a half if they work more than nine hours in a day or more than 45 hours in a week; baby sitters are exempt.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph6" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">PAPARAZZI CRACKDOWN: Backed by actresses including Halley Berry and Jennifer Garner, a new measure will impose tougher penalties on paparazzi that harass the children of public figures, including celebrities, police officers and judges. Starting in January, violators could face up to a year in county jail and a fine of up to $10,000. Fines would increase for subsequent convictions.</span></div>
<div style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;">
</div>
<div id="paragraph8" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">MORE ROOM FOR BICYCLISTS: Drivers must give cyclists a 3-foot clearing when passing or, when that clearance isn’t possible, slow down and only pass when there’s enough room. Starting Sept. 16, 2014, passing too close to a bicyclist could result in a fine for the driver, whether there was a crash or not.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph9" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">AMBER ALERT EXPANSION: Abductions by custodial parents or guardians, who may cause serious bodily injury or death to the child, now will require law enforcement to request the activation of an AMBER Alert.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph10" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">TEXTING AND DRIVING: Drivers under the age of 18 are not allowed to use voice recognition software, like Apple’s “Siri,” to write, send or read a text while behind the wheel.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph11" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">ON-CAMPUS SMOKING: All 10 University of California campuses will be smoke-free starting Jan. 1, 2014. The ban includes all tobacco products, including e-cigarettes.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph12" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">HYBRIDS RIDING HOV: Low-emission or zero-emission vehicles can continue using high-occupancy vehicle, or carpool, lanes without meeting occupancy requirements until Jan. 1, 2019.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph13" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">FINDING HIT-AND-RUN DRIVERS: A new bill extends the current three-year statute of limitations for hit-and-run offenses to six years from the date of a crash that causes death or permanent, serious injuries.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph14" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">GROUP GRATITUITY: Tips automatically added to a restaurant bill (usually when a table seats 6 or more diners) will now be taxable as regular wages and subject to payroll tax withholding, which means your server won’t see those tips until payday instead of taking it home as cash.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph15" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">SEARCH WARRANTS: A driver suspected of DUI who refuses to submit to or fails to complete a blood test can be served a search warrant to draw blood in a “reasonable, medically approved manner.” This law went into effect Sept. 20.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph16" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">VICTIM PROTECTION: Employers are now barred from firing, discriminating or retaliating against a worker because they are a victim of domestic violence, sexual assault or stalking. The new law also requires employers to protect victims from their abusers, for example, by changing the employee's work number.</span></div>
<div id="paragraph16" style="border: 0px; color: #333333; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 22px; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-top: 15px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">Source: NBC Bay Area</span></div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-39553824648908129022013-12-22T23:21:00.004-08:002013-12-22T23:21:51.113-08:00Turkish Armenian: I'd defend Turkey against our enemies as we did in the Battle of the Dardanelles<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #0b5394;"><b>Cumali Önal</b></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="detail-spot">The chairman of the Association of
Philanthropic Malatya Armenians (HAYDER), Hosrof Köletavitoğlu, is a
typical Anatolian man. He defines himself as Anatolian in his heart, his
mind and all his emotions. For him, a true Anatolian is a good citizen.
He feels himself a stranger everywhere else, even in Armenia.</span></div>
<a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
“I, as a Turkish Citizen, like all other
Armenians in Turkey, wouldn't think twice to defend my country from any
possible danger to our land, just as our minority-member ancestors did
at the Battle of the Dardanelles,” he said.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
For him it is very important to know what really happened in the war
at the beginning of the last century and to share this knowledge with
the whole community. “We were together, peaceful and friendly, for a long time. We shared our feasts and sorrows, weddings and funerals,” he said.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
He expects Turkish authorities to have the courage to condemn the
Medz Yeghern -- the Great Tragedy -- organized by the Young Turks in the
Ottoman period. “Destruction, exile, sexual assaults, rapes and
massacres cannot be erased by continuous denial,” he says, adding: “The
inhuman, horrible tragedy has to be faced and sorrow must be shared. And
it is important to keep both Armenians and Turkish civil society groups
in constant dialogue.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
According to Köletavitoğlu, during the years of tragedy, many
Armenians were forced to convert to Islam. And he claims that the number
of Armenians who became Muslim through marriages or adoptions in 1915
could be around 200,000.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
In contemporary Turkey, there are hundreds of thousands Muslim
Armenians. Some deny their origins; others describe themselves as
ethnically Armenian but religiously Muslim. Köletavitoğlu emphasized that if Muslimized Armenians share their
ancestors' painful stories with others, it will be easier for Armenians
to be understood.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
He said that the Armenians who survive in the region are trying to
safeguard their culture and continue a struggle to maintain their way of
life. “The Justice and Development Party [AK Party] made many changes
but this doesn't mean they have done enough for the Armenians,” he said.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The government, Köletavitoğlu said, has made many gestures toward
Alawites and Kurds and embraced them. “Armenians also deserve this and
must be embraced by our friends. Armenians' arms are open to all
friendly political visions without prejudice,” he added.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
“Armenians do not need officials to say ‘genocide' or ‘massacre.' The world already knows what happened,” he said. Köletavitoğlu defines Anatolia as a family. “Our ancestor lived in
this family. By being torn apart would not change the reality of being
one family,” he said, adding: “The Armenians here continue to belong to
this family. Our goal is to continue in peace and produce for our
future, as our ancestors have done for centuries.”</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
“The purpose of the mass killings was mainly the transfer of capital
and property to supporters of Committee for Union and Progress [ITC] and
prominent locals,” he said. For this purpose, he claimed, the Armenians
who were the most populous minority in Anatolia suddenly disappeared
and were cleaned out, along with their past, from the geography, from
the community, from the literature and from the local history books, as
if they had never existed.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
He says that all the inheritors of the rich wealth, culture and
values built over the centuries are silent, but have resurgent emotions.According to Köletavitoğlu, official denial is the main reason for
the Armenians' tough stance on the issue. But if Turkey changes its
stance, diaspora Armenians will be more moderate.</div>
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“The Armenians were here in this region for thousands of years.
According to historians, all Armenians spread around the world come from
this area. When we look closer at the diaspora Armenians, their
ancestors were those who left Anatolia from the 1880s onward,” he said. </div>
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Köletavitoğlu explained why diaspora Armenians keep their harsh
memories of the massacres: their surviving ancestors carried their
shockingly painful memories with them. These memories were transferred
to the young generations.</div>
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According Köletavitoğlu, wherever they lived, the Armenians were at
the heart of society. They were involved in all parts of the life; art,
the trades, architecture, industry, production, transportation,
commerce, science, medicine, all kinds of agriculture, literature, food,
music, etc. “They had always been a major part of the life of the
country, especially in economic production that helped the country to
live through for most of the last 200 years of Ottoman times,” he said.</div>
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Regarding the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the events of
1915, he said that he hoped a nationwide mourning would happen in
Turkey. But he doesn't expect any programs to be organized by the
Armenian community in Turkey for 2015. “It was almost forbidden even to
think about these tragedies and to wail for our victimized ancestors.
One could only shout in silence to remember them. I will personally
continue mourning for the loss of my family and community due to the
killings about 100 years ago,” he said.</div>
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While flipping through the pages of books titled “Armenian Girl,
Kurdish Mom,” he kept talking as his eyes began to tear. The Ottoman
economy was dependent on the spoils of war and taxes. After the end of
the 17th century, the empire won very few wars and began to lose
strength. Some of its territories started to gain independence. Within
these messy conditions the Committee for Union and Progress (ITC) became
a part of Ottoman life.</div>
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He closes the book and says his concluding words: “When they [the
ITC] came into power they tried to create ‘one nation, one flag, one
language, one religion,' and to achieve this they needed to dominate the
population and economy, for the Turkification of the country. And to
achieve this goal, one-third of the whole population in Anatolia would
have to somehow be eliminated from this territory.”</div>
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Source: <a href="http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist-323307-turkey-in-humanitarian-and-development-aid.html" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">Today's Zaman</a></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-34429667856807501142013-12-18T14:09:00.001-08:002013-12-18T14:09:07.609-08:00Turkish Islamic scholar Gülen rejects any link to graft probe<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen has rejected any link to an ongoing corruption probe in which 52 people, including well-known businessmen, the sons of three ministers, and a number of advisors, have been detained as part of a major investigation into alleged bribery linked to public tenders.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Gülen strongly denied allegations that the probe was launched as part of a row between the government and the Hizmet movement.</span></div>
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He dismissed claims circulating in national media, and deemed news reports suggesting that the faith-based Hizmet movement has “launched a war” against the government as ill-intentioned and a figment of the media’s imagination.</div>
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"Some bureaucrats, well-known businessmen and relatives of ministers have been detained by the İstanbul chief public prosecutor in the past two days. Claims of corruption, bribery and smuggling can be seen in any country. That is why there are independent judicial bodies to investigate such claims," said Gülen about the recent corruption investigation in a written statement released by his lawyer.</div>
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The Turkish Islamic scholar stressed that the issue must be discussed within the bounds of law. He also said it could be possible to talk about the rule of law for as long as states and societies fight corruption.</div>
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Source: Todays Zaman</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-78721051569485870322013-12-17T14:40:00.004-08:002013-12-17T14:40:35.482-08:00Professor Ori Z. Soltes: ‘Gülen wants to be an altruistic servant of others’<div id="newsSpot" style="margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">
<span style="color: #0b5394;"><b>Aydogan Vatandas</b></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Professor Ori Z. Soltes, author of ‘Embracing the World: Fethullah Gülen’s Thought and Its Relationship to Jalaluddin Rumi and Others,’ explains how Gülen’s perception of Sufism is grounded particularly in the work of thinkers such as Jalaluddin Rumi, Ibn Arabi and Said Nursi, but is also grounded in the idea of selflessness</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">Most of the studies written on Fethullah Gülen to date generally emphasize the importance of Gülen’s approach to Sufism and how Sufism has played a central role in Gülen’s way of life and thinking.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">In his recent book, “Embracing the World: Fethullah Gülen’s Thought and Its Relationship to Jalaluddin Rumi and Others,” Professor Ori Z. Soltes aims to take readers on a spiritual journey seeking the inner light of Sufism through the ideas of Gülen.</span></div>
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Soltes believes that Gülen’s perception of Sufism is grounded particularly in the work of thinkers such as Jalaluddin Rumi, Ibn Arabi and Said Nursi, but is also grounded in the idea of selflessness.</div>
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“Hizmet means service, serving others, not myself, and he uses the word ‘altruism’ all the time. ‘My goal is to be an altruistic servant of others,’ that’s what the Hizmet movement is all about,” he notes.</div>
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Today’s Zaman interviewed Soltes about his recent book on Gülen.</div>
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<strong>We can start with the definition of Sufism. How do you think Gülen interprets Sufism? Does he think that it’s a Muslim lifestyle, or something different?</strong></div>
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Both. He absolutely recognizes the Islamic roots of Sufism and the Sufis who he most admires, people like Rumi, like Arabi, are marked at the wrong time by an unusual vision, which is a kind of Universalist vision. The kind of vision where Rumi says, “I go into the mosque, I go into the church, I go into the synagogue, I can go into them all.” These guys are writing and teaching in the 12th and 13th centuries, they are writing when the Crusades are going on, they are writing when the Reconquista is going on across the other side of the Mediterranean. You have Islam and Christendom at each other’s throat. Within Islam you’ve got chaos with the collapse of the Abbasid caliphate. You have, in Christendom, a whole range of problems going on that are intrafaith problems.</div>
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These guys are both Muslims and Universalists at the same time, and I think that’s something that particularly inspires Gülen. In the world in which we live, which is a world where everybody is so interconnected by way of the Internet and all those other devices that I don’t use but other people do; in that sort of world, his vision of the meaning of this Universalism is endlessly expansive. His senses, as I mentioned at the end of the book, of the importance of humanity as a series of vice-regents employed, so to speak, by God to do God’s work attending to the planet, and not simply taking from the planet, is very important. I call him a neo-Sufi; he expands what is inherent, at the very least, in the Sufism of people like Arabi and Rumi as far as it’ll go.</div>
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Emphasizing Rumi</span></h2>
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<strong>Do you think that the central figure for Gülen, as a Sufi master, is Rumi? Could you tell us how you came to this conclusion?</strong></div>
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First of all, I would probably argue that the most important figure for Gülen is the Prophet Muhammad, there’s no question about that. But it seems to me that he sees [Rumi as important], and this I have inferred from his repeated quotes from Rumi: things that he’s written about him, things that he refers to him and because of the particular aspects of Rumi that he emphasizes, which seem connected to what he emphasizes in his broader teachings to his worldwide students about how to be in the world. So, I see Rumi as a particularly important character. Not the only one by any means, as I also mention [in the book], from Socrates to [Albert] Einstein. Also, within the Islamic tradition, not just Rumi, and within Sufism, not just Rumi, but beyond the Sufi tradition into the broader reaches of Islamic thought, which is conversant [with his philosophy]. But Rumi seems to have a particular affinity with him and I infer this based on his writings.</div>
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<strong>What about Nursi, for example, how do you think he influenced Gülen’s thought?</strong></div>
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I think [he was] very influential. I think Gülen moves in other directions. One of the most important features of Nursi’s thought is the importance of Islam to Turkey, and he lived at the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the struggle to maintain Turkey. After that collapse, as you know, the Ottomans were on the wrong side of the fence in the respect of who’s winning and who’s losing after World War I. Those who were on the winning side of the fence were essentially three forces, the French, the British and the Americans. The Americans showed up late, not until 1917, and left the world in the hands of the British and the French, whose colonial ambitions, not to be negative about them but I’m just trying to be factual here, promptly decided how the entire Middle East would be reconfigured according to their needs.</div>
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Now it was the post-Ottoman Turkey period, and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk led a rather strong, strenuous and ultimately successful struggle against the French to assert a post-Ottoman Turkish identity, but along the way, of course, part of what he felt was necessary for the Turkey he was trying to create was to modernize it, which in his mind meant secularizing it. Nursi stood for the principal of “But then you’re throwing the baby out with the bath water,” you’re losing an important element of the Turkish soul if you eliminate Islam from the equation of Turkey. Of course, he had his own struggles, as you know, with Atatürk, and that in particular had a profound depth on Gülen’s speaking about the importance of Islam as an element within the Turkish soul. And to repeat what I said earlier, that doesn’t mean that he’s not, at the same time, thinking in a very Universalist sort of way and, I think, probably beyond where Nursi had gone in terms of his thinking.</div>
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<strong>Could you tell us a little about the formulation of Sufism? How do you think Gülen formulated the concepts of Sufism?</strong></div>
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I think of Fethullah Gülen as a Sufi, or as a neo-Sufi, most particularly in the respect of the paradox of being so intensely Muslim on one hand and so distinctively Universalist on the other hand; I think of his understanding of Sufism as a mystical movement and what mysticism is all about, in any and every tradition. Well, the mystic believes that there’s a kind of hidden recess to [find] God, called the mysterion. It’s a Greek word, it comes from a verb stem which means to close or, therefore, to hide. So, it’s a hiddenness that every day practitioners don’t get to. The mystic has the sense that if I just go about my everyday business -- as a Jew, as Christian, as a Muslim -- and I pray with the congregation, as I do, but without really thinking about it that much, just as many people do, I’m only getting to the outer edges of God.</div>
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There’s a depth that the mystic seeks. The mystic, in seeking that depth, seeks to be filled with God. Now, I can only be filled with God if I empty myself of myself. If I’m in there, I can’t be filled with God, by definition, which also means that the mystic has to have as his or her goal not to be filled with God, because that’s still too self-centered, it’s to be filled with God so I can return from that experience and then to the community as a consequence of it. The mystic doesn’t seek enlightenment, he seeks enlightenment for the sake and safety of the community. If my goal is to seek enlightenment for myself, I’m too self-centered and, therefore, I won’t be filled with God because there’s me in the way.</div>
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So, I see Gülen grounded particularly in the work of thinkers such as Jalaluddin Rumi, Ibn Arabi and Said Nursi, but it is also grounded in the idea of selflessness.</div>
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When I achieve that, then I achieve a oneness with God and with that in mind, of course, the movement that is an outcome of his teachings directly, the Hizmet movement, is a very interesting articulation of what it means to improve a community. Hizmet means service, serving others, not myself, and he uses the word, in English, “altruism” all the time. “My goal is to be an altruistic servant of others,” that’s what the Hizmet movement is all about. What he’s been able to do, which Arabi couldn’t do, Rumi couldn’t do and Nursi couldn’t do, because they lived in a different world, was extend the theory of selflessness into a very distinct activation.</div>
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Obtaining the concept of service</h2>
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<strong>Where, do you think, he obtained the concept of service? If you describe his leadership, you could say that he’s a servant leader. Where, do you think, he takes that concept -- from the Quran?</strong></div>
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I would say, from the Quran in the first place, which means it is inherent in Islam to be a servant.</div>
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<strong>Do you mean that, according to the Quran, a leader is a servant?</strong></div>
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Yes, exactly. And then, I think, he would say that idea is further expanded here and there, in this hadith or that hadith, it may be articulated in this way or that way, in this school of jurisprudence or that, or in this theological perspective or that, but it comes to a kind of consonant articulation in the writing of people like Arabi or Rumi, who are so emphatic about it.</div>
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So, on one hand that’s where he’s coming from, on the other hand, because he’s so broad in his self-education, he would find a kind of natural articulation of the idea of doing and not just talking or thinking in the works of Plato. The word that I used at the end of the book, ergon, meaning action, is in their thinking contrasted with logos. Logos is the words I say about some idea, while ergon is when I activate it. When Socrates gives a sermon on the immortality of the soul, that’s logos. When he drinks the hemlock like he’s drinking the best drink he’s ever had in his life, going clearly happily to death, where he’s going to be conscious of the souls of others, then that’s action; not only his words show that he really believes what he’s doing.</div>
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<strong>When examining the Sufi masters, we see that not all reach out to this global network and organizations. How, do you think, this interpretation of Islam or Sufism impacts on all these organizations and the organizational model of the movement in the world? What’s the link between Gülen’s lifestyle, Sufism and these organizations?</strong></div>
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I guess I have two responses to that. One is, if I put myself in Gülen’s shoes, I’d imagine -- as far as I can tell, from everything I’ve read by him and everyone I’ve met who either knows, has met him or works within this Hizmet movement -- that he must struggle every day with the realization, because he can’t be blind to it, that he is renowned and revered across the world, and not let that get to him so his head’s swollen and he can’t go through the door. He maintains a lifestyle that’s humble and a sensibility that’s humble and consistent with his principles of thinking of a leader as a servant. Thinking not in the terms of the power to govern but the power to serve.</div>
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If, from his point of view, I look out on the world and I see this array of institutions that have been inspired by me, on the one hand he must be enormously uncomfortable, which is why he was so insistent that it not be called the Gülen movement, because that implies a cult of the individual and he wants to focus away from that: “On Hizmet, not on me. On Hizmet, not on me.”</div>
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But at the same time, he must realize that these are instruments for doing what, in the best of all possible worlds, he’d like to be doing, which is helping to improve the world. He creates hundreds and hundreds, for example, of educational institutions, which train students to think not of themselves but others. If you’re inculcating them to be, and this is my own coinage, “hizmetologists,” then you’re creating a mechanism that’s going to continue to spread and expand and improve the world in the future. He writes, of course, about the importance of education, because children are the future. So, how do you train them? Do you train them to be selfish little creeps or do you train them to think of others? And what are the mechanisms of doing that?</div>
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That was the first part of my answer; the second part is not as long. The second part is: If I look at it from the outside, I understand all the people who are fearful of Gülen, who feel threatened by Gülen, who make up all kinds of interesting stories about what he’s really about, what these people are really about. Anytime you’re any kind of a revolutionary, you’re going to encounter an array of people who oppose you because you’re trying new territory. Most people are uncomfortable with new territories; they want old territories.</div>
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The perception of Sufism</h2>
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<strong>When we look at the example of Gülen and the Gülen movement, we cannot separate Sufism and Islam, they’re going together. In the US, for example, when you say Sufism, how would Americans perceive that term? Do they relate that to Islam?</strong></div>
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If one thinks of the US in a pre and post-9/11 way, before 9/11 I don’t think most Americans had even close to a clue of what Islam was about. I don’t think that words like Sufi, Sunni, Shiite or any of those basic terms would’ve been familiar. Since 9/11, because there’s been an interest in Islam, there’re probably many more Americans who at least know those terms. I don’t think most of them have a clear idea of what they mean, but if you say the word Sufi [there’ll be] either blank stares, they have no idea what you’re talking about, or if they know the word they don’t know it’s associated with Islam.</div>
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<strong>What do you think about the image of Sufism in the Muslim world?</strong></div>
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Historically, in all three Abrahamic traditions, the mystics tended to be an object of suspicion on the part of non-mystics. For whatever reasons, the assumption seems to be, “Well, they’re not really following the rules, they’re kind of breaking them.” And mysticism is, you might say, a propitious, hopeful but also dangerous enterprise. If I empty myself of self to be filled with God, there’s the danger that I can’t get myself back. If I don’t get myself back, I’m dead, crazy, apostatized or heretical. In the Sufi case, you have someone like Mansur Al-Hallaj, who comes back from this ecstatic experience, in 922, by the Gregorian calendar, and he yells out, “Ana al haq, ana al haq -- I am the truth, I am God,” and he’s executed as an heretic. What happened was that he was still so filled with God that he wasn’t able to separate himself, but he’s back in the public sphere yelling it out, and they think he’s an apostate or a heretic, but he’s simply describing a condition in which he’s so filled with God that he can’t even find himself. There’s that danger.</div>
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There’s the danger, as a practical matter, because mysticism’s so paradoxical, if all of us followed it, there’s the danger that the entire community becomes almost chaotic. There’s the practical-political danger because, let’s face it, religion and politics have always been interwoven and as often as not, people of the cloth are as much political as they are spiritual. So, as a practical matter, if you convince them all that they don’t need my spiritual leadership, I’m not going to like you very much. I’ll try to convince them that there’s something that’s just not right about what you’re telling them.</div>
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One sees that, but not uniquely in Islam, in its legalistic personality relative to Sufism, you see that in all these traditions. I suppose that’s still true to a certain extent, at least, in some places today. The mystic is an object of suspicion. It is why, in the Sufi tradition, people like Arabi, or before him, Abu Hamid Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Ghazali are so important, because they had already established themselves as legalists before they became mystics.</div>
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<strong><em>Profile</em></strong></div>
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<em>Professor Ori Z. Soltes currently teaches theology, philosophy and art history at Georgetown University. He has also taught across diverse disciplines for many years at The Johns Hopkins University, Cleveland State University, Case Western Reserve University, Siegel College in Cleveland and other colleges and universities.</em></div>
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Source: Todays Zaman</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-10313186192479802942013-12-15T09:17:00.001-08:002013-12-15T09:25:44.617-08:00Turkey's Tea Party<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Mümtazer Türköne</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; line-height: 18.90625px;">Some civil society organizations known for their religious tendencies expressed full support for the government in newspaper ads titled, “They thought it would last 1,000 years.” The title referred to the Feb. 28 process. This was followed by a second declaration titled, “Declaration of the nation,” which sought to express full and strong support for the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government and the prime minister. The statement in the second declaration, about “attempts to undermine the achievements of the visionary leadership which has been ruling the country for 11 years,” reflects this explicit support. Such declarations target one side. These groups refer to a “group guardianship” as the main source of threats.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><span style="line-height: 18.90625px;">The terms “group guardianship,” “civilian guardianship” and “parallel state” have been used by AK Party circles in recent times to denote a natural alienation in their support base. What they mean by this is the </span><a href="http://twitter.com/hizmetmovement" style="color: black; line-height: 18.90625px;" target="_blank">Hizmet movement</a><span style="line-height: 18.90625px;">, or the Gülen movement as it is popularly defined. Those behind the ads are from different backgrounds and members of diverse religious communities and orders. This is strange: There is a state of disagreement between the AK Party and the Hizmet movement provoked by the controversy over prep schools. A religious group criticized the government's decision and policy. Other groups raised opposition to such criticisms, calling it “group tutelage” and expressed full support for the government. We should not ignore the fact that these groups are respected by the people. What is strange in this move is in the visible contradiction between the content of the ads and the goal they seek to achieve. </span></span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; line-height: 18.90625px;">In general, such moves become popular and considerable when support for the government declines in an attempt to consolidate power. But there is a strange situation here: These ads were published to express opposition of a religious group which has been supporting the AK Party government for 11 years rather than another political party or initiative. It is true that there is an ongoing debate between the community and the government and that members of this community are still supportive of the AK Party and its candidates in the upcoming elections. This means that the area is being narrowed as power is being consolidated by these ads.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 18.90625px;">Mass parties consist of broad coalitions. Political leadership compiles different tendencies and interests and turns them into support for its party. Religious communities or groups have experienced repressions in these lands for many years. For the first time, they were allowed to perform their activities during the 11-year long AK Party rule. So what does the current alienation and disagreement mean?</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 18.90625px;">In order to find an answer to the question, we need to follow the traces of a group within the AK Party, similar to the Tea Party of the American conservatives. A core group which sees politics as a fight to the death and compromise as treason is becoming stronger within the AK Party. Any criticisms or objections are strongly discouraged by this group.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 18.90625px;">The long reign has led to intensification of this core group within the AK Party. The tendency of the mass party to integrate diverse groups and reach out to the masses and the reflex of this core group not to share power with others are clashing. Otherwise, you cannot explain the waging of war by strong defenders of a political party against those who voted for that party. A Tea Party within the AK Party is expending tireless efforts. If you pay attention, you will see that the terms “guardianship” and “parallel state” incorporate objections to sharing power. There is no other explanation for a mass party alienating its own support base.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; line-height: 18.90625px;">Turkey's Tea Party is emerging slowly. We will follow the political developments with reference to this party.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Source: Today's Zaman</span><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-81180765492080590322013-12-14T10:44:00.002-08:002013-12-14T10:44:43.254-08:00Moved by Syrian refugees’ woes, U.S. mayors initiate blanket drive<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; line-height: 18.90625px; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The conditions the Syrian refugees in Adana refugee camp are in deeply moved the U.S. mayors on an intercultural trip to Turkey. They have collected over 10 thousand blankets through the drive they kicked off once back home.</span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 18.90625px; text-align: left;">American Turkish Friendship Association (ATFA), active in Washington, D.C. had earlier taken a group of the U.S. mayors to Turkey for a study and intercultural trip, in late October. The local leaders from Northern Virginia, populated by 2.5 million, were moved by the gut-wrenching scenes in the Adana refugee camp so much so that they immediately rolled up the sleeves upon their arrival back in the country. They mobilized their offices to make it a large-scale campaign that would achieve over 10 thousand blankets along with 10 thousand dollar of monetary donation. Mark Gibb of Northern Virginia Regional Commission explained the motive: “We met a Syrian, who had been a police officer for 17 years, living in a cramped room. We asked how we can help him. And he replied: “Just send some blankets, it’s getting colder.””</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Numerous NGOs representing a wide range of social communities contributed to the campaign under the leadership of Fairfax, Loudoun, and Purcellville mayoral offices. Districts’ federal and state officials were as well informed on and gave their support to the campaign. The local Turkish-run institutions mobilized a large number of volunteers. The campaign gained huge publicity through flyers and news on local media. The donations have been stored at facilities of state offices, schools and places of worship. </span><span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; line-height: 18.90625px; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; line-height: 18.90625px; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Mayor of Fairfax -home to one of the most prosperous and educated population of the nation-Sharon Bulavo, had earlier encouraged his locals to donate via a message on the office’s official website, on November 19. The office is bursting at the seams due to donations, he reported. Bulavo the other day was in Latter-Day Saints Church, one of the facilities used to pack the donations. He put on a Hizmet Relief vest and joined the campaign volunteers. Loudoun Mayor, Scott York, alike sweated over at the embarking facility in Sterling. He personally packed the shipping and loaded it to the truck.</span></span><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Another initiator of the campaign is Purcellville Mayor, Robert Lazaro. In his address to the Turkish and American volunteers joining their hands at the facility, Lazaro referred to their visit to the refugees in Adana camp as the most humbling experience of his life. He further hailed the Turkish government’s and people’s aid efforts.</span><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">The New Jersey-based Hizmet Relief, in cooperation with <a href="http://hizmetmovement.blogspot.com/p/gulen-movement-humanitarian-aid.html" style="color: black;" target="_blank">Kimse Yok Mu</a> Foundation, took the lead in the campaign. The foundation’s website has been used to receive monetary donations. The overall donations will be delivered to Norfolk port by Paxton Company at no charge. Sean Connaughton, Secretary of Transportation of Virginia, who had attended the ATFA’s trip, is also contributing to transportation. The world-famous Maersk is sponsoring the shipment to Mersin port. The mayors intend to greet the shipping to depart from the US on December 18, at Mersin port and personally deliver it to those in need. Kimse Yok Mu is in charge of the final transportation phase. Adana businessmen as well are reported to be involved in the delivery. </span><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">In addition to Adana, the American delegation including Coles Mayor, Martin Nohe; and Alexandria Mayor, William Euille as well had been to Istanbul, Izmir, Ankara and Cappadocia and met with their counterparts. The visitors were impressed by the hospitality, food, natural attractions and historical sites; President of Mid-Atlantic Federation of Turkic American Associations (MAFTAA), Mahmut Yeter, and Pinnacle Academy Principal, Mustafa Akpinar, both reported. Yet, the most striking and touching part was in Adana, Yeter said.</span><span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; line-height: 18.90625px; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span><br />
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; line-height: 18.90625px; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;">Source: The Hizmet Movement Blog</span></span><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-21325747336527367332013-12-13T09:07:00.001-08:002013-12-13T09:11:52.674-08:00Middle East's Struggle for Democracy: Going Beyond Headlines<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;"><b><span style="color: #0b5394; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13.5pt;">Alp Aslandogan</span></b><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 13.5pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 21px;">The ongoing struggle in the Middle East is not between the so-called Islamists and secularists. It's not pro-Morsi vs. pro-military in Egypt, or even Assad vs. opposition in Syria. The real struggle is between those committed to the core values of democracy and human rights and those who want to maintain a status quo of authoritarianism and domination.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 11.5pt; line-height: 15.75pt;">Western
observers often place Middle East actors and their motives into
well-intentioned but partially inaccurate or sometimes misleading categories.
For example, the three major groups in Iraq are labeled as Shiites, Sunnis and
Kurds. The first two are religious categories, while the third is ethnic. The
majority of Kurds are Sunni, and the majority of Iraqi Shiites are ethnically
Arabs. So the right, albeit inconvenient, categories would be Sunni-Kurds,
Sunni-Arabs and Shiite-Arabs.</span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">These
categories would be trivial details if it weren't for the fact that Middle
Eastern realities of these labels do not always overlap with established
western understanding. For instance, those in the Middle East who call
themselves "secularists" would be perceived in the west as the
"good guys" who believe in democracy and separation of church and state.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">But Turkey's historic
self-proclaimed "secularists" in practice were anything but secular
or democratic. As Edhem Eldem, Professor of History at Istanbul's prestigious
Bogazici University<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/17/opinion/turkeys-false-nostalgia.html?_r=0" style="outline: 0px;" target="_hplink"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">observed</span></a>, Turkish
"secularism" often "marginalized and oppressed those who openly
displayed their beliefs; head-scarf-wearing women were banned from
universities, and few protections were given to religious minorities." The
government ran every single mosque and prescribed the preachers' sermons.
Turkey's self-proclaimed secularists were also aggressive nationalists, who
denied millions of Kurdish citizens their cultural rights, including the right
to speak their mother tongue. Those who did not embrace the official government
ideology were sometimes beaten and<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/news-184888-100-notorious-diyarbakir-prison-to-become-history.html" style="outline: 0px;" target="_hplink"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">jailed</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">Counter-intuitive to a
western audience, on the other side were participants of the Hizmet social
movement, originated by Turkey's most influential preacher and social advocate,
Fethullah Gulen, who advocated for democracy, equal opportunity and social justice,
and defended religious rights of all faiths in Turkey,<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2012-04-11/news/ct-met-kass-0411-20120411_1_orthodox-christians-halki-turkey" style="outline: 0px;" target="_hplink"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">including Orthodox Christians</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>and Jews. Gulen's sympathizers started
free tutoring centers in Turkey's Southeast, serving tens of thousands of
children from low-income families, often of Kurdish descent, helping protect
them from recruitment by terrorist organizations operating around Turkey's
borders.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">In 2008, when the
Turkish judiciary prosecuted military officials charged with planning or
perpetrating military coups, western media called it a struggle between
Islamists and Seculars. In reality, as correctly<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/john-l-esposito/the-crisis-in-turkey_b_482829.html" style="outline: 0px;" target="_hplink"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">observed by Dr. John Esposito of
Georgetown University</span></a>, it was a struggle between pro-democracy
groups and those military officers who were found guilty of some of the worst
crimes against their fellow citizens. Kurdish citizens, many of who saw their
loved ones disappear under military-dominated periods, celebrated this
development alongside journalists who were intimidated or fired from their jobs
during the same periods.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">Last month, when Hizmet representatives
criticized the government-proposed legislation that calls for banning exam prep
schools, Turkish and Western journalists labeled this opposition as<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304281004579221980073239464" style="outline: 0px;" target="_hplink"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">a feud between Prime Minister Erdogan
and Mr. Gulen</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span>because
roughly 15-25 percent of these prep schools were founded by Hizmet participants
according to various<a href="http://world.time.com/2013/12/04/turkeys-erdogan-battles-with-countrys-most-powerful-religious-movement/" style="outline: 0px;" target="_hplink"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">estimates</span></a>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">But
that is an oversimplification because this underlying struggle is between
democracy and free enterprise on the one hand against government overreach and
authoritarianism on the other. If enacted, this legislation would make Turkey
the only country in the world to ban a whole category of legitimate private
enterprise -- and that too, one that provides math, science and language arts
training to children of low-income families who cannot afford private tutoring.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">It is ironic that the
Turkish ruling party (AKP) that fought against government overreach during
their first term 2003-2007 has, since then, taken steps that completely
contradict its earlier record. From recent discourse on regulating student
homes and government's heavy-handed reaction to Gezi Park protests, to<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><a href="http://www.todayszaman.com/news-333684-eu-stresses-freedom-of-expression-in-wake-of-media-investigations.html" style="outline: 0px;" target="_hplink"><span style="border: none windowtext 1.0pt; color: windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">restrictions on freedom of the press</span></a>,
Turkey is rekindling its historic struggle between those committed to democracy
and those who benefit from authoritarianism and dominance.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">Turkey
is often cited as an example for struggling Middle East countries such as Egypt
and Tunisia; after all, Turkey experienced a similar transition 60 years ago.
But as the Turkish experience shows, democracy is a messy process with a steep
learning curve. It sometimes can seem like too much to ask of both governments
and the governed to have patience to learn the difference between legitimate
democratic opposition and rebellion; enforcement and oppression. Nevertheless,
abandoning the path to democracy is not an option.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;">What
was termed an Arab spring is actually a beginning of the fall of authoritarian
regimes that will hopefully lead to a spring of democracy. But let's be
prepared that spring will come only after a harsh winter of authoritarian
establishments resisting democratizing reforms. What is clear is that people in
the Middle East yearn for their freedoms, and we hope that their struggle leads
them toward democracy and away from the yoke of domination. For outside
observers, understanding this struggle requires going beyond the convenient
labels of the news headlines.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: 11.5pt;"><br />
<em><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">Dr. Aslandogan is the President
of the Alliance for Shared Values, a non-profit that represents interfaith
dialogue organizations affiliated with Hizmet in the U.S.</span></em><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: #f3f3f3;">Source: Huffington Post</span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5637584442921879800.post-63253783342926247072013-12-08T22:58:00.001-08:002013-12-08T22:58:41.289-08:00Attacks on free press in Turkey<span style="color: #0b5394;"><b>Abdullah Bozkurt</b></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 21px;">It appears that Turkey's powerful prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has adopted a two-pronged assault on the right to freedom of expression and free press in Turkey against the background of increased criticism of his government amid outrageous revelations that the government has been running a massive profiling program on unsuspecting innocent citizens with no reasonable cause whatsoever.</span></div>
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The damaging exposé came right after the government's plot to forcefully close all privately funded college prep schools that was seen as a violation of the right to engage in free enterprise and the right to education in Turkey. That has sparked a huge public outcry, leading to unrelenting social media campaigns against the government on Twitter, with hundreds of thousands up in arms with millions of protest messages communicated each and every night for three weeks now.</div>
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What we used to see when powerful generals came after journalists with civil and criminal charges filed in court to muzzle the free press in Turkey has now effectively been replaced with Erdoğan's civilian government that adopted a scorched-earth policy to get rid of anybody or any institution that stands in the way of imposing a highly politicized Islamist agenda on Turkish society. Two recent cases that violate the right to freedom of the press and speech are a clear indication that Erdoğan's government is committed to curbing free press while tilting fast towards a more authoritarian way of government.</div>
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One such case involves Emre Uslu, a columnist for Today's Zaman and the Taraf daily, who was sued by Erdoğan over an opinion piece on the prep schools' ban in which Erdoğan's lawyers claimed that Uslu attacked Erdoğan's character and insulted him. The other is the case about Turkey's one of leading investigative reporters, Mehmet Baransu of Taraf daily, who was being subjected to criminal charges following a government petition that he revealed a controversial 2004-dated National Security Council (MGK) document indicating that Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) signed on to a planned crackdown on Turkey's well-respected faith-based community. He later exposed further leaked documents proving that Turkey's notorious spy agency has been running a massive profiling program under the government's watch, targeting people and groups that are not closely aligned with Erdoğan's political party.</div>
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Both cases highlight the growing worry on the state of affairs in the media landscape in Turkey where the government has by and large pressured most media groups to acquiesce to Erdoğan's wishes. Instead of coming clean and apologizing to the nation for a massive violation of citizens' rights, the AK Party government has opted for a policy of denial while throwing anything, such as legal and financial sanctions, at the free media in order to intimidate and silence it. Yet this represents a futile attempt considering how vibrant Turkish society is and how public expectations are running high from the sitting government in Turkey. I suppose Erdoğan, encircled with a core group of Islamist-leaning advisors who seem to be out of touch with reality, is making the same mistake Turkey's condescending and meddlesome generals had once made. Generals who used to see themselves as above the law were also targeting the media with impunity during the turbulent years of a painstakingly difficult era. But justice has eventually caught up with them.</div>
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It feels as if the Erdoğan government has ventured into a fight that it cannot win over the long haul. Turkish society has transformed fundamentally in the past three decades. It will not accept any imposition of an Islamist agenda just as it refused the militarist-Kemalist agenda of past governments. Public awareness is high on many issues and civic groups/non-governmental organizations have been strengthened considerably. The young population with an appetite to learn and a keen interest in what is happening beyond the borders of Turkey, coupled with an affluent and growing middle-class, demands more from the government in terms of rights and liberties. Turks have been emancipated and empowered with a new conscience now.</div>
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For example, just from a legal point of view, the government‘s move to censure journalists appears very weak considering the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) whose judgments are binding on Turkey. In its rulings, the court made it clear that state officials cannot be protected against criticism and insult at a higher level than ordinary people through penal laws that carry a higher penalty. What is more, journalists should not be imprisoned or media outlets closed for critical comments, according to the Strasbourg-based court.</div>
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Erdoğan seems to be trying to swim against the current in Turkey and perhaps in a bid to delay his day of reckoning. His government has set out on a path of creating a “friendly” media in Turkey through business dealings in public tenders and contracts. A political force that controls, influences and indirectly owns private media groups, coupled with the increased dominance of the ruling party on the news agenda in state media, is a danger to the well-functioning of democracy in Turkey. The increasing display of an antagonistic attitude by some pro-government media circles in Turkey towards anybody or any group that may have differences with Erdoğan's line of thinking on a given issue should ring alarm bells. Prime Minister Erdoğan's jumping the gun on attacking the critical media for what he calls a smear campaign and a big appetite to prosecute journalists for defamation and other offences indicate a pattern of intolerance towards the media.</div>
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Furthermore, the ugly face of abusing state power has started to show its teeth with administrative decisions to block journalistic inquiries and deny access to press events and meetings. The accreditation system is used to prevent critical media from covering press events and this practice was unfortunately defended by AK Party officials as routine and standard procedure common in other countries as well. There are substantial rumors in the Turkish capital that public broadcasting agencies as well as pro-government media maintain informal blacklists of individuals who are barred from appearing even as a guest commentators.</div>
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The hope for Turkish journalists to check on this abusive power is the relatively independent judiciary in Turkey. Thanks to a major overhaul in the 2010 public referendum, Turkey's higher judiciary has become more democratic, accountable to people and pluralistic in its composition of judges and prosecutors. Changes introduced, for the first time in Turkey, the individual right to petition to the Constitutional Court on violations of fundamental rights and freedoms. On top of that, the ECtHR stays as a last resort to remedy any injustice that might be sustained in Turkish courts. There are many examples of judicial investigations of journalists on various charges that the ECtHR found violated standards on access to information and freedom of expression.</div>
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For example, in the case of Erbil Tuşalp vs Turkey, the ECtHR issued a landmark verdict in 2012, sending a strong signal to the Turkish prime minister that his libel cases have no standing in the court of law considering the rights enumerated in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The court said journalist Tuşalp had exercised his right to freedom of expression as protected by Article 10 of the ECHR. The court underlined that the limits of acceptable criticism are wider as regards a politician than as regards a private individual. Therefore, the court said, Erdoğan was obliged to display a greater degree of tolerance. The court also reiterated that journalistic freedom also covers possible recourse to a degree of exaggeration, or even provocation. In the opinion of the court, Article 10 is applicable not only to information or ideas that are favorably received, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb. The court said that without pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness, there is no democratic society.</div>
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Although the convention recognizes that freedom of speech may be restricted in order to protect the reputation of others, defamation laws or proceedings cannot be justified if their purpose or effect is to prevent legitimate criticism of public officials or the exposure of official wrongdoing or corruption. The court believes that the right to sue in defamation for the reputation of officials could easily be abused and might prevent free and open debate on matters of public interest or scrutiny of the spending of public money. The court is also of the opinion that any sanction on journalists for libel cases cannot be substantial lest this may deter others from criticizing public officials and limit the free flow of information and ideas. Under these standards, Uslu's criticism of Erdoğan should be rejected by Turkish courts.</div>
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As for the exposure of secret government documents, the rule of thumb is that criminal penalties for the protection of public order or national security must be balanced with the right to freedom of expression. Baransu exposed profiling documents and served public interest by letting people know what their government is up to with secret files. The government's filing a criminal complaint against him violates Baransu's freedom of expression and the public's right to know. The Erdoğan government cannot hide behind state secrecy protections to restrict freedom of expression and information. If Turkish courts agree with the government's position on this one, Turkey will stand out from the crowd of 47 members of the Council of Europe where prosecutions for breach of state secrecy are very rare and usually lead to light sentences.</div>
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In all likelihood, legal complaints will end up with the acquittal of journalists against government charges. In the meantime, however, perhaps Mr. Erdoğan simply wants to buy some smooth-riding time until the elections are over. He probably thinks that the proceedings will take some time to sort out. The downside is that the chilling effect on the Turkish media with government attacks on free press will continue to loom large.</div>
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Source: Today's ZamanUnknownnoreply@blogger.com0